Subject: A Case for the Symphony K98
From: dennis
To: All
Date Posted: 10:57:23 04/28/04 ()
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Of the 49 symphonies and 4 individual symphony movements
printed in the AMA edition of Mozart's works from 1879 to 1910,
all have been recorded but one. In addition in the past 100 years
or so six originally believed lost symphonies have been found--all
recorded. In addition to this a few symphonies misattributed to
Mozart have been recorded. This posting attempts to make a case
for some record company to rectify this omission.
The Symphony in question is the F-major Symphony, listed by
Köchel in his Mozart Thematic Catalogue as K98. This is a 4-
movement symphony consisting of an Allegro, Andante, Menuetto
with Trio, Presto. Ludwig Köchel did not know the symphony in
orchestral form, only in an arrangement for 2-pianos made in
Vienna by Ludwig Gall. Köchel accepted the symphony as
authentic on the word of Aloys Fuchs and Gall, claiming the
symphony had "the instrumentation, the size and possibly also the
thought content of similar works of about 1770".
In Series 24 (Supplement) of the AMA issued in 1888 the
symphony was considered authentic and published from a set of
parts in the possession of the Steiermärk Musical Society in Graz.
It was instrumented for 2 Violins, Viola, Bass, 2 Oboes and 2
Horns. The editor, Paul Graf Waldersee, noted "the tuneful, catchy
shapes of the melodies are characteristic only of him [Mozart].
Rounded in form it is however not free of a few irregularities in the
part-writing, which shows then that this work belongs to a period
in which Wolfgang had not yet acquired the security which even
the most gifted attain only through practice. It is a youthful work,
but even as such it will be not unwelcome to the devoted admires
of the Mozartean muse."
In 1912 Wyzewa/St.Foix published the first volumes of their
monumental Mozart biography. The French scholars not only saw
Italian characteristics in the symphony, but also the influence of
Joseph Haydn--especially in the finale--and thought it was
sketched before the trip to Italy, thus before Aug 13, 1771, and
was completed in Milan in autumn 1771.
In 1919 Abert, in his revision of the Jahn-Mozart biography, stated
the symphony appeared doubtful. He was not convinced by the
theory of Wyzewa/St.Foix. Abert listed many things that did not
correspond to other Mozart works, and found too many
characteristics of the Mannheim composers. He even saw a
favorite phrase of Stamitz in the beginning of the Trio of the
Minuet.
in 1927 C.B.Oldman purchased an anonymous manuscript
catalogue of Mozart works which probably was made up in the
early to middle 19th Century. By our symphony in F-major is a
note "1771, Milan, Nov". [Neal Zaslaw in his 1989 book on
Mozart's Symphonies believes it possible the writer of this note
got the idea from Nissen's biography on Mozart in which a letter
of Leopold Mozart's was reproduced that tells of a concert on
November 22 or 23, 1771 in Milan in which Mozart participated,
and speculated Mozart composed a symphony for this occasion].
Einstein summarized all this in K3, and added that the type of the
theme used in the finale of the symphony could be compared to
the spurious String Quartet K.Anh 210. He decided not to put the
work in the main portion of his edition of the Köchel Catalogue,
placing it in the Anhang (223b) for Doubtful Works.
By the time of K6 in 1964 nothing new had been discovered on the
symphony, except a few more copies of the orchestral score in the
Berlin State Library and in Brünn. With the reorganization of the
Anhang C section of K6 our symphony landed under Anh C11.04.
In his 1982 book on Mozart's symphonies, Robert Dearling gave
us one paragraph describing K98. He wrote of a "superficial
similarity between the equally doubtful Neuer Lambacher
Symphony in the opening of the first movement". He further tells
of the untypical (for Mozart) reliance of triplets in the 1st and 4th
movements of the work. Also the Trio is in the tonic key of the
Menuet, an indication perhaps that the symphony is not a work of
Mozart. Dearling doubts "that Mozart would have been so
unimaginative" as the author of this symphony was.
Back in 1978 the Hoboken Catalogue of the works of F.J. Haydn
listed this symphony in the Addenda under the misattributed
symphonies as Group I:F16. In the Pfarrkirche in Weyarn a copy
was found headed "Symphonia del Signore Haydn". This score
lacks Oboes. Zaslaw in his book on Mozart's symphonies believed
it likely this attribution is to Michael Haydn, rather than Joseph.
But as Zaslaw points out, Michael Haydn's symphonic output is
about as well documented as his brother's, and it does not appear
to have originated directly from him or his circle. And Charles
Sherman, the Michael Haydn catalogue editor, communicated "it is
not even remotely possible that the work is by Michael Haydn"
because of the shaping of the themes and the regular rhythmic
structure of the symphony. Zaslaw states the work does not
resemble Mozart's symphonies of any period either.
In his 1986 dissertation on the Symphonies of Leopold Mozart.
Cliff Eisen gives an account of the manuscripts available of K98.
The copy in the Hochschule für Musik und darstellende Kunst und
Landesmusikschule in Graz (that which the AMA used as a model)
was once part of the collection of Heinrich Eduard Josef von
Lannoy. This copy derives from the Vienesse music dealer Johann
Traeg. It is possibly one of the "14 Sinfonias by Mozart" advertised
by Traeg in the Wiener Zeitung on April 21, 1792, or the "15
Sinfonias" advertised on August 11, 1792. Traeg had offered a
number of Mozart symphonies in 1784, but then none until 1792.
It is quite possible Traeg purchased some works by Mozart from
Constanze Mozart after her husband's death. When Leopold
Mozart died in 1787, Nannerl Mozart had sent her brother almost
all of Wolfgang's compositions still in Salzburg. Now in 1792
Constanze could send numerous symphonies to Traeg from
Mozart's Salzburg period, accounting for this high number of
symphonies offered. Unfortunately, even if K98 was one of the
works Traeg received from Constanze, it does not guarantee its
authenticity, as she was not sufficiently expert to distinguish
Mozart's works from others that she found in his library--we do
know a symphony in Bb by Leopold Mozart derived from Mozart's
estate, as did the autographs of some songs. As a matter of fact in
a 1989 article regarding the Symphonies K16a and K76 we find
the original attribution to the Symphony K98 in Graz was only to
"Mozart", and later changed to "W.A. Mozart". Eisen does not see
our Symphony in F being by Leopold Mozart though.
Admittedly there is no proof that the Symphony in F K98 is by
Mozart. However the source location for this symphony is no
worse, and probably even better than a number of symphonies
listed in the main part of the 6th edition of the Köchel
Catalogue--and more to the point of this posting, a number of
symphonies that have been recorded numerous times. K76/42a,
K81/73l, K97/73m, K75, K96/111b are all in main portion of K6
with only one source attributing them to Mozart. K74g, even
though it had a similar source situation, was banished to Anh C
status. K84/73q has two sources attributed to Wolfgang, but
others attributed to Leopold and one attributed to Dittersdorf. The
recently found K16a in a-minor has only one copy attributed to
Mozart, and not even Wolfgang--only Signor Mozart.. All these
symphonies have been recorded at least 2 to 5 times.
The Symphony in F K98 has two copies attributed to Mozart, and a
catalogue entry attributing the composition to him and even
giving a date and location. Even though all the copies and
catalogue entry are suspect, that should be enough for a least one
record company to see fit to record it. I imagine if it was in a
minor key, had some sort of nickname, or would be rediscovered
in some dusty attic by an aspiring conductor or musicologist of
this century it would get a chance. But as it was catalogued over
150 years ago and out of favor for almost 100, it stands little or
no chance. Too bad. Anyone out there with connections to the
recording industry willing to take up the gauntlet?
dennis
Subject: LORENZO DA PONTE - MOZART'S LIBRETTIST.
From: Agnes Selby
To: All
Date Posted: 22:45:27 04/26/04 ()
Email Address:
Message:
LORENZO DA PONTE - MOZART'S LIBRETTIST.
On 20th August 1838, while the trees in the Roman Catholic cemetery
swayed gently in the breeze, a distinguished group of New York citizens
gathered around an open grave bidding farewell to the scholarly old
gentleman who had died peacefully in his ninetieth year. He had been the
first Professor of Italian Literature at Columbia University and had
endowed Columbia's library with a large collection of rare Italian
books.
Exceedingly handsome even in his old age, he had looked patriarchal
with a mane of glistening white hair and piercing eyes. He had been a
popular citizen of New York, his children had married into the best
American families, and his wife, who had died before him, was remembered
as a gentle, ladylike creature of exquisite beauty.
The distinguished citizens did not mourn the old man too deeply. He
had died of old age and had lived a long and fruitful life. Some even
smiled to themselves as they remembered his little lies, boasting of
writing librettos for the immortal Mozart, counting the Emperor Joseph
II of the Holy Roman Empire amongst his friends and knowing Casanova
intimately. Oh, he could tell some stories... and added to his little
fibs was the gossip that he had once been a practicing priest. This
gossip, they believed, was spread by his Italian enemies. On top of all
that, the gossips said he had been born a Jew.
A large laurel wreath, as befitted a poet, was placed on the freshly
covered grave. The distinguished citizens departed the cemetery with the
knowledge of having been blessed to meet such a remarkable man, a man
whom they loved and whom they had known so well, and who had touched
their lives with his own magical presence.
But they knew him not at all. Not even his name!
He was born in Ceneda, a solitary Venetian outpost, on 10th March
1749, in the Jewish ghetto. His name was Emanuele, the son of Geremia
and Rachele Conegliano. He was the oldest child, soon to be followed by
brothers Baruch and Anania. The family had a history of scholars and
doctors amongst its members, notably a Dr. Israel Conegliano who was a
physician and statesman involved in the Venetian and Turkish diplomatic
sqabbles. He was rewarded for his services to the Venetian state by
being exempted from their harsh anti-Semitic regulations. Emanuele's
father, however, was a humble tanner by trade without any intellectual
pretensions.
When Emanuele was five years old, his mother died. For the next nine
years the child ran wild. He barely learned to read and write. He
nonetheless became bar mitzvah (the Jewish rite of initiation into
manhood); but soon thereafter, his father, now forty, fell in love with
a sixteen-year-old gentile girl, Orsola Pasqua Paietta, and decided to
marry her.
In order to get permission for the marriage, the father and his three
sons were baptised into the Catholic faith on 29th August 1763. The
ceremony was performed by Monsignor Lorenzo Da Ponte, and Geremia,
according to the custom of the day, adopted the name of his sponsor and
became Gaspare Da Ponte. His sons Buruch and Anania changed their names
to Girolamo and Luigi respectively, while Emanuele took the bishop's
name as well. From this moment on, he was known as Lorenzo Da Ponte.
Despite his strong Jewish beliefs at this time, coming so soon after his
bar mitzvah, he very seldom referred to his Jewish background. There
were others, however, who were only too happy to remind him of it.
Lorenzo's father eventually sired ten more children with his new
bride. He dedicated his three sons by his first wife to the Church in
gratitude for the blessings brought to him by his conversion to
Catholicism. Lorenzo never quite forgave his father for dedicating him
to the Church. In his autobiography
he said, that this decision led him "to embrace a way of life entirely
opposed to my temperament, character, principles and studies, thus
opening the door to a thousand strange happenings and perils, in the
course of which the envy, hypocrisy and malice of my enemies made me a
pitiable victim for more than twenty years". Nevertheless, he
financially supported
his father's ever-growing family until his move to the New World and his
struggles in America distanced him from his family in Italy.
He was ordained a priest in the seminary of Portogruaro. Although the
priesthood did not suit Lorenzo Da Ponte's temperament, he profited
greatly
from his monastic education. Already in 1770 he was made instructor, in
the following year professor of languages and in 1772 vice-rector of the
seminary.
In 1773 he threw up his post and moved to Venice where he began a
life of debauchery, fathering a number of children, gambling, and even
running a dance hall which was merely a front for a brothel. Da Ponte
was a man of conflicting personalities: on one hand he delighted in the
life of pleasure which characterised Venice in her last years as a
republic, on the other hand he loved poetry and literature and there is
no doubt that he was a teacher of genius. His life of dissipation came
to an end when the Venetian ruling Council of Ten finally expelled him.
During his sojourn in Venice he had met the great poet Caterino
Mazzola, who was the official poet to the Dresden court. Mazzola
promised Da Ponte to let him know if a similar position became available
at the court, and when shortly thereafter Da Ponte received a letter
from Mazzola inviting him to Dresden, Da Ponte arrived full of
expectations at Mazzola's residence. To his astonishment, Mazzola denied
ever having written a letter of invitation to him; Da Ponte then
attributed the letter to the machinations of his enemies.
For a short time Da Ponte remained in Dresden, closely studying
Mozzola's art of writing librettos for operas and even trying his hand
at writing some librettos himself. Mazzola watched with growing
trepidation Da Ponte's machinations at the Dresden court and made it
clear to Da Ponte that his presence in Dresden was no longer welcome. Da
Ponte decided to try his luck in Vienna. On the day of his departure
from Dresden, Mozzola, perhaps feeling a little guilty, handed him a
letter which was to change Da Ponte's life forever. It read: "Friend
Salieri, my good friend Da Ponte will bring you these few lines. Do for
him everything that you would do fo me. His heart and his talent merit
whatever help you can give him..."
Da Ponte arrived in Vienna late in 1781. He could not have arrived at
a better time nor chosen a better patron than Salieri. The Emperor,
Joseph II, was personally involved with the daily running of the opera.
An enlightened despot, Joseph II believed in intellectual freedom,
religious tolerance and equal justice for all. Under the reign of his
mother Maria Theresa, Da Ponte would not have had the chance to succeed
in his chosen profession. Maria Theresa would not have tolerated a Jew
as poet at her court, albeit a baptised one. Her Jewish advisers and
financiers could speak with her only separated by a screen, for fear
that she might be exposed to the evil in their eyes. Joseph II, however,
considered all his citizens equal as long as their actions profited the
state. Da Ponte's patron, Antonio Salieri, was influential at court,
having been Joseph II's chamber music partner from the time he had come
to Vienna at the age of forteen.
Through the good offices of Salieri, Da Ponte secured the position of
poet to the Viennese Italian opera. Da Ponte's first interview with
Joseph II was not to ask a favour but to thank him for the appointment.
Da Ponte wrote: "He asked me how many plays I have written, and when I
said frankly, 'None Sire', he replied with a smile, 'Good, good! We
shall have a virgin muse'!"
When Da Ponte met the little man whose genius would inspire him to
write his masterpieces is not known. They probably met at a dinner given
by Baron Wetzlar von Pinkenstern, himself a baptised Jew. The young
Mozarts when first married occupied an apartment in Baron Wetzlar's
house and the family remained friends until Mozart's death and beyond.
Mozart and Da Ponte were two of the most unlikely collaborators in
the history of music, yet together they created the most enduring and
beautiful masterpieces of the operatic repertoire. History remains
silent on the subject of their friendship and their artistic
collaboration. In Da Ponte, Mozart found a poet whose mind was perfectly
attuned to his own. Da Ponte responded to Mozart's music as he did to no
other composer. Essentially, when it came to their collaboration they
were kindred spirits. Mozart wrote to his father on 13th October 1781,
well before his collaboration with Da Ponte had begun:
"The best thing of all is when a composer, who understands the stage and
is able to make suggestions, meets an able poet, that true phoenix; in
that case no fears need be entertained as to the applause even of the
ignorant. In Da Ponte, Mozart found such an "able poet".
Their first collaboration was on "The Marriage of Figaro".
Beaumarchais' comedy had been banned in Paris for three years, as it
quite openly attacked the "ancien regime". In Vienna the staging of the
play was prohibited, although the play was freely available in bookshops
and Mozart himself owned a copy, listed among his possessions at the
time of his death. Mozart suggested the play as a possible text and the
composer and librettist completed the opera in six weeks. (Da Ponte
claimed this short period for the writing of the opera but historians
formerly dismissed his claim as pure fantasy. Most modern scholars now
agree that Da Ponte's claim was correct.)
At first, Baron Wetzlar offered to finance the production at some
place other than Vienna but Da Ponte approached the Emperor in his
charming manner and recorded the following conversation:
The emperor: "I fobade the German Company to perform this 'Nozze di
Figaro'".
Da Ponte: "Yes, but since I have written an opera and not a play, I have
had to omit many scenes and shorten others, and I have omitted and
shortened anything which might offend the delicacy and decency of
spectacle at which Your Majesty would be present. As for the music, so
far as I can judge it seems to me marvellosuly beautiful".
A carriage was sent for Mozart immediately so that the Emperor could
hear the music. Soon after this the
libretto and the music were given to copyists. But the cabal within the
theatre had just begun. According to Da Ponte, the Italians connected
with the opera theatre did not want the opera to succeed.
Joseph II had recently forbidden ballets to be performed at the opera
and when the Italians found that "The Marriage of Figaro" contained a
ballet scene, they ran to the director of the Opera House, Count
Rosenberg who summoned Da Ponte and tore the libretto and music to
shreds.
Mozart was in despair. Da Ponte, however, instructed the rehearsal to
go ahead in the presence of the Emperor. With no music being played
during the dance scene, Count Almaviva's and Susanna's gesticulations
made the scene appear like a puppet show. The Emperor was mystified by
such bizarre goings on, and when the situation was explained to him by
Da Ponte, the Emperor immediately send for the dancers and re-instated
the ballet.
Mozart's collaboration with Da Ponte continued with "Don Giovanni".
The opera was commissioned by the Prague Opera House, where Mozart's
music enjoyed immense popularity. The first perfomance of the opera
was scheduled for mid-October 1787. Both Mozart and Da Ponte were in
Prague for the rehearsals. Here Mozart met Casanova, Da Ponte's old
gambling friend who no doubt offered advice on the persona of Don
Giovanni as his handwriting appears on the original manuscript.
Da Ponte returned to Vienna before the premiere of "Don Giovanni".
While writing the libretto for "Don Giovanni", he also wrote "Tarare"
for Salieri and "L'Abore di Diana" for Martin y Soler.
When he informed Joseph II of his plan to work simultaneously on these
three libretti, the Emperor exclaimed: "You won't succed!"
"Perhaps not," Da Ponte replied, "but I shall try all the same. I
shall write for Mozart at night, which will be like reading Dante's
"Inferno". In the morning I shall write for Martin, and that will be
like studying Petrarch. In the evening I will write for Salieri, and he
will be my Tasso."
The last opera Mozart and Da Ponte worked on was "Cosi Fan Tutte". It
received its premiere on 26th January 1790. In "Cosi" Da Ponte's skill
in the use of rhyme reaches new heights. His libretto is inspired. It is
his original work, not based on any other opera or a text by another
writer. Designed for a carnival, it is charming, witty and perceptive.
Emperor Joseph II died on 20th February 1790. Da Ponte was shattered
by the Emperor's death and it seems he mourned him for the rest of his
life. Da Ponte's magical life in Vienna was virtually at an end. During
the short reign of Emperor Leopold II, Da Ponte completed three libretti
but he sensed a change was coming. Da Ponte's application to the Emperor
to join Martin y Soler in St. Petersburg was denied. In the end,
however, intrigues in the theatre and his own unfortunate affair with a
married opera singer resulted in his reputation being tarnished in the
eye of the new Emperor. His Semitic background and his bad reputation in
Venice did not help either.
It is not clear whether Da Ponte was dismissed from his post as court
poet to the Italian Opera or resigned of his own volition. Da Ponte
found himself at the end of 1791 in Trieste where he experienced the
bitterest moments of his life. He had fallen on hard times, and it had
been a fall from a great height. His beloved Emperor and Mozart were
dead and a new era descended upon Europe.
It was in Trieste that Da Ponte met his beautiful Nancy, who remained
his great love until her death in America. He describes her in his
autobiography:
I was introduced to a young English girl,the daughter of a rich
merchand who had lately arrived in Trieste. She was said by everyone to
be extremely beautiful, and to unite gentle manners with all the graces
of a cultivated mind. Her face was covered with a black veil, which
prevented me from seeing her, so, wanting to find out if the reality
matched her reputation I said, as if in jest, 'Mademoiselle, the style
in which you are wearing your veil is not a la mode'". Not realising
what was in my mind, she enquired: 'What is the present fashion?' 'This
signorina' and taking her veil by the edge I drew it over her head".
The face he saw beneath the veil must have pleased him immensely, and
although Nancy left the room offended by his boldness, she too was
impressed by the still handsome man. It seems it was love at first
sight.
Nancy's father, John Grahl, was born in Dresden and his wife was
French. Grahl had converted from Judaism to Anglicanism and Nancy was
born in England where she spent her first sixteen years. It is
surprising that her family would have given her hand in marriage
to an ageing, unemployed poet, who by his own admission possessed no
more than five piastres in the whole world.
There are no records in Trieste to prove that a marriage actually
took place between the former Roman Catholic priest and his "beautiful,
fresh and loving companion", only Da Ponte's statement that she became
his after "social ceremonies and formalities". From the verses that Da
Ponte addressed to her after her death and from the trials and
tribulations they faced together throughout their marriage, it seems
that the love that bound them remained strong to the end. There is no
evidence that Da Ponte was ever defrocked or gave up his priesthood. It
is my personal belief that his priestly episode was one he remembered
with distaste and it receded in his mind just as one life's experience
amongst many.
For a short while they settled in London. After a period of financial
difficulties, Da Ponte finally became poet to the King's Theatre in
Haymarket. Here again he became embroiled in the theatre's many cabals.
Nancy, however, ran the "coffee room" at the theatre so succefully that
she amassed a small fortune. A bookselling business Da Ponte established
while working at the theatre went bankrupt. The catalogue of his books
is today in the British Library. It shows what a remarkable collection
he had, with almost every author in the Italian language being
represented.
Nancy's family emigrated to America and settled in Pennsylvania. On
20th Septmber 1804 Nancy also departed for America with their four
children. Da Ponte accompanied them as far as Gravesend. As he looked at
his wife and children (he writes): "I seemed to feel a hand of ice seize
my heart and tear it from my breast". He had given Nancy permission to
stay in America for one year. She carried with her a considerable amount
of money; it is just possible that Da Ponte wished this money to be kept
in a safe place and not fall victim to his own bankruptcy.
Despite Da Ponte's entreaties to his wife to return to London, Nancy
remained in America. Da Ponte's situation in London became intolerable
and on 4th June
1805 he arrived in Philadelphia having lost all his money gambling with
a fellow passenger on the journey.
Da Ponte found his family settled in New York. With the help of
Nancy's money, he invested in a grocery shop, at first in New York and
later in Elizabethtown in New Jersey, where he and his wife with their
four children remained until 1807, by which time he had lost all his
money.
Da Ponte returned to New York hoping to make a living for his family.
In a bookshop he met Clement Clarke Moore, then a young man, who was
later to become America's most distinguished Hebrew scholar and
lexicographer, the founder of the General Theological Seminary and the
Trustee of Columbia College. He is better remembered today as the author
of the classic children's poem, "The Night Before Christmas". At Moore's
suggestion, Da Ponte opened the "Manhattan Academy for Young Gentlemen".
The school became immensely popular and soon Nacy opened "the Manhattan
Academy for Young Ladies". Nancy taught French and Italian as well as
the art of artificial flower making and engaged teachers to give lessons
in drawing and music.
All in all the academies were a great success. Da ponte, full of
intellectual enthusiasm, instructed his students in such an
unforgettable way that they remembered his lectures for the rest of
their lives.
Arthur Livingston, the American editor of Da Ponte's "Memoirs",
wrote:
"There is no doubt that this was an important moment
for the American mind. Da Ponte made Europe, poetry, painting, music the
artistic spirit, classical lore, a creative classical education, live
for many important Americans as no-one, I venture, had done before".
In 1811, Lorenzo Da Ponte became an American citizen and gave up his
lucrative teaching career and the life he so thoroughly enjoyed and
moved to Sunbury, Pennsylvania where he again opened a grocery shop.
Nancy's aged parents lived in Sunbury, which was then a charming town
set in a beautiful countryside. But Da Ponte hated every moment of the
seven years he spent in Sunbury, longing for the bookshops and
stimulation of New York.
Surprisingly, Da Ponte succeeded in business the second time around.
He opened a millinery store, ran a carrier service between Sunbury and
Philadelphia, established a distillery in Sunbury and in 1814 built
there a thre-storey residence. He became the second highest taxpayer in
the county.
By 1818 Da Ponte had wearied of the countryside and moved back to New
York where he spent the rest of his life, selling and buying Italian
books. In his teaching he had found he was hindered by the lack of good
Italian books and imported them from Italy.
In 1825 he received a signal honour by being appointed Professor of
Italian at Columbia University.
He retained this title until his death.
On 29th November 1825 the first season of Italian opera in America
opened at the Park Theatre. The Garcia family, a Spanish operatic
company had just come from a successful opera season in London. On 23rd
May 1826 Da Ponte was overjoyed when the Garcia company premiered
Mozart's "Don Giovanni".
Following the success of the Garcia company's tour, Da Ponte
undertook to provide a permanent home for Italian opera in New York. Da
Ponte was able to raise a large amount of money which enabled the city
to build its first Opera House. It was opened under Da Ponte's
management on 18th November 1833. It was a magnificent theatre. The dome
was painted with a represenation of the nine Muses by Italian artists
especially brought to New York to execute it. It was a huge success. In
1836 the Italian Opera House was renamed the National Theatre and Da
Ponte was replaced as manager. The National Theatre burned to the ground
in 1839, but the idea of going to the opera had become so popular in New
York that soon the Astor Place Opera House and later the Academy of
Music staged many successful opera performances. Finally, the
Metropolitan Opera House opened in 1883, in no small measure the result
of the enthusiasm generated by Da Ponte's original vision of an opera
house in New York.
In August 1838 the old man died. A priest was summoned and Da Ponte
made peace with the church. Like Mozart, he was buried in an unmarked
grave; in 1912 the coffins from the cemetery where he was laid to rest
was removed to Calvary Cemetery to make room for 11th Street in New
York.
Copyright Agnes Selby.
By courtesy of "Quadrant". This article was first published by
"Quadrant" in January 1997.
As for Handel ‘s operas ; here is my selection for “beginners”.
I wouldn’t recommend Scipione, Admeto, Serse for a first listening,
because, even if these operas are marvellous, there is a lot of “dead
wood” in it, and it can be boring to hear it un staged.
I am not really qualified for the instrumental music...
Here are some links about Handel below.
Subject: Contemporaries of Mozart: Carl Friedrich Abel
From: Tel Asiado
To: All
Date Posted: 06:48:17 04/25/04 ()
Email Address: webmaster@inspired.4t.com
Message:
CONTEMPORARIES OF MOZART:
Carl Friedrich Abel (1723-1787)
This is another posting in an irregular series on the various
contemporary composers from Mozart's lifetime. The material is mostly
derivative from general sources as noted. These are the people that
Mozart:
Competed for work with.
Considered as friends, colleagues or mentors.
Knew from reputation.
Taught/nurtured as pupils and students.
Abel was born 22 December 1723 in Koethen, Germany into a large
German family that produced many musicians and, it seems, landscape
gardeners. While both career paths proved of good use to the nobility of
Europe, our Abel became the best-known and most respected family member
to come down to us. His father, Christian Ferdinand, was violin and
viola da gamba (a forerunner to the cello) player for the court
orchestra at Koethen, where he was a colleague and became friends with
J. S. Bach. His elder brother, Leopold August, was a violinist at north
German courts and composed instrumental works.
Carl Friedrich took after his father musically, and thus took up both
instruments as well, he became the premier viola da gamba player of all
times, and was held in high esteem for this, almost on an equal plain as
for his compositions. His father taught him musical theory, and it is
quite possible (though not proven) that J. S. Bach in Leipzig supervised
his further studies along these lines. Carl Friedrich's life and that of
the Bach's remained intertwined practically his whole life. W. F. Bach
was organist at Dresden when Abel received an appointment there as court
gamba player in 1743. Both were on station there for 15 years. J. C.
Bach (the "London" Bach) became a very close associate of Abel when they
were both in London later on.
The Seven Years War happened in that part of Europe, where the armies
of Frederick the Great practically destroyed Dresden in 1757-58. With no
court nor orchestra to sustain him, Abel took his talent on the gamba
out on tour, via Frankfurt, Mannheim and Paris. He eventually arrived in
London, home to many expatriate Germans of the times. By then, he had
added harpsichord playing to his performing skills and was composing his
own works.
Fourteen days prior to Handel's death, Abel announced his arrival in
London with his first concert on 27 March 1759. This was a success as
were so many others that followed. As well, he began selling his
compositions to increase his income. His gamba playing with its adagio
melody and his increasing symphonic and chamber styles from the start
received high praise. In a short period of time, he was admitted to
English society, then received the royal privilege to print his own
music in London, and finally was named to the post of Royal Chamber
Musician to Queen Charlotte. His works were usually published in sets of
six (standard for the time) and covered the field of instrumental music:
chamber music (trios, solo sonatas, string quartets), concerti for
flute, piano and gamba, and symphonies.
Linking up with Johann Christian Bach, who had, as well, made the
move to London, they planned to produce a series of concerts, featuring
both of them as performers playing (mostly) their own works, which of
course could be bought from the main music purveyors in England. In 1764
he directed his first joined concert with J.C. Bach. Originally planned
as just a series of concerts for the year 1765, these public
subscription concerts (the Bach-Abel Concerts) gained great renown and
became a yearly musical event from 1765 to 1782. At the start, they
hired halls, but from 1775 on, they used their own premises in Hanover
Square, acquired out of the profits they acquired from the concert
series. Apart from these public concerts, Bach and Abel organized
regular private court music events and also concerts for the benefit of
other musicians. Abel directed alternate concerts, including many of his
own works, often playing himself and also introducing performers from
Germany and Paris. Certainly things were going well enough that by the
1770's he was able to spend considerable time in Paris every year doing
business, as well as relaxing. While it has always been noted that
Mozart was one of the first independent entrepreneurs in music, it can
be seen that Abel was likely amongst THE first, and more successful, to
boot.
As displaced Germans, Bach and Abel offered opportunities to other
foreign musicians coming to London to get established, either as
performers at the concerts, or as published composers via Abel's
publishing set-up. So, when the Mozart family arrived on tour in London,
it may have been Bach that the young Mozart bonded to, but Abel was the
one instrumental in providing contacts and helping Leopold with the
business of setting up concerts and musical displays. As well, it should
be noted that Wolfgang copied out Abel's Symphony Opus 7 No. 6 for
closer study. Hence, for decades this work was believed to be by Mozart,
so well did it accord with the young Wolfgang's style. Or, of course,
did young Mozart's style derive from the older Abel, who was really a
direct contemporary of Leopold rather than that of Wolfgang? It is worth
noting that symphonies of Abel and J.C. Bach, provided models for
Mozart's first symphonies K.16 and K.19.
This is a more important point than one might suspect, for Abel was
not just a successful musical businessman selling tasteful and "pretty"
music. While the music did have these traits, there was also much
critical praise for it. By 1770, Abel was being described as a composer
who "…has created quite a sensation with his music." His music was
further described as being composed with remarkable ease and skill.
Finally, it was said that "…Abel sets the tone in the musical world" in
that musicians and critics across Europe spoke of "Abelian music." This
latter quote basically meaning that Abel was one of the main composers
pulling music out of the Baroque/Rococo eras into the more "modern"
Classical era. Dr. Charles Burney, in his General History of Music
(1789) reported "…the knowledge Abel had acquired…of every part of
musical science rendered him the umpire of all musical controversies,
and caused him to be consulted on many difficult points." It may then be
no wonder that the young Mozart was attracted to this stylistic
"movement" and thus picked it up so well. Well enough so that a
comparison of both composers' works of the time shows very little
difference in display. Again, another reason why the musical personages
of the time were so amazed with the young Mozart, who was able to keep
pace with a trend-setting musical master such as Abel.
Abel's later years were a warm glow of semi-retirement. The Bach-Abel
concerts ended in 1782 (J. C. Bach died that year), and Abel left
England for Potsdam, at the invitation of Prince Wilhelm, heir to the
throne of Prussia. He worked some in France and for various German
courts on his journey to Potsdam, where he stayed from 1784-86,
composing several concerti and four last symphonies. These last four,
while as good as any he had penned in the past, were regretfully equal
to those of the past, as Mozart, Haydn, Vanhal and Stamitz (to name a
few) had advanced the science of music beyond where he could or would
go. Also, Abel had apparently developed a drinking problem along with
some health issues, and so his musical vitality appears to have waned.
Returning to London, he once again turned to organizing concerts, both
public and benefit ones, still performing at them on the viola da gamba;
the last performance occurring less than one month before his death in
1787.
He was the last great gamba player in Europe at his death; his
expressive Adagios were particularly praised. By this time, the
instrument, played for 300 years, was fast losing its importance in the
musical world. As a composer, Abel was most prolific in symphonies and
overtures, sonatas for two and three instruments, and gamba pieces. One
of his obituaries in London strongly regretted the loss of a
much-appreciated artist, and predicted the death of his chosen
instrument as well, which of course came to pass. Abel left behind over
two hundred compositions, including 16 various concerti, eighteen string
quartets, twenty-four trios for various instruments and forty-six
symphonies, nearly all of which were published across Europe.
Music Suggestions:
CPO CD 999207 Symphonies Opus 10 No. 1-6
CPO CD 999208 Flute Concerti Opus 6 No. 1-6
CPO CD 999214 Symphonies Opus 17 No. 1-6
Denon CO 75659 Viola da Gamba Solo Recital
Glossa GCD920403 Viol/va da Gamba A Solo
Hyperion CDA66780 String Quartet in A, Op.8 No. 5
Sources:
Gutman, Robert W. Mozart: A Cultural Biography Harcourt Brace & Co.
New York 1999
Landon, H.C. Robbins: The Mozart Compendium Thames and Hudson. London
1990
Sadie, Stanley (Ed.) The New Groves Dictionary of Music and Musicians
2nd Edition Groves Dictionaries, New York 2000
Liner Notes to the CD’s as noted above
-- Gary Smith and Tel Asiado
Subject: Lichnowsky versus Mozart.
From: Agnes Selby
To: All
Date Posted: 23:28:43 04/23/04 ()
Email Address:
Message:
INTRODUCTION:
Lichnowsky applied for and received permission from Emperor Leopold
II to sue Mozart for money owed to him. A judgment was handed down on
November 12, 1791 and delivered to Mozart on that day. Mitteilungen der
Internationalen Stiftun Mozarteum June 1993, contains quotes about
Mozart by his contemporaries [Roderich Fuhrmann p.16]. Lichnowsky's
statement is included. He states that now Mozart's "dishonourable
behaviour has come to light -"he was unworthy to be a Lodge Brother".
*[Erna Schwerin, Summer 1993, Supplement to Newsletter No.30]
--------
THE LAWSUIT:
Walther Brauneis came across significant information in a Logbook of
the Special Court of Aristocrats in Vienna. *[Mr. Lorenz contends that
the discovery was made by Hofrat Mraz who had no time to write the
article and gave the information to Mr. Walther Brauneis. The article
appeared under Walther Brauneis' name in the 1991 issue of the
Mitteilungen.
Walther Brauneis makes no mention of Hofrat Mraz. Be it as it may, the
purpose of this article is not the establishment of the rightful
discoverer of the law suit].
The entry in the Logbook reminded the Imperial Court Chamber of
Vienna to enforce an Order of Attachment of Mozart's possessions and
half his salary as court composer to the amount of 1,435 gulden and 32
kreutzer.Included also were court costs of 24 gulden.
In today's money it would ammount to
approximately $US65,000 [Thank you Gary].
The debt was owed to Prince Karl Lichnowsky and was found
uncollectable.
Nothing of this debt is mentioned in any other Mozart literature nor
do Constanze Mozart and her second husband, Georg Nikolaus Nissen make
any reference to it in Nissen's Mozart biography. It does not appear in
the list of debts left by Mozart and it is not known whether Lichnowsky
waived the debt after Mozart's death. However, this does not seem
likely.
Sophie Haibl, Mozart's sister-in-law, who witnessed his death and gave a
vivid description of Mozart's last days to Georg Nissen does not mention
Mozart's concern over any such debt, nor do other witnesses who
surrounded him during his last hours. Mozart is certainly the written
about composer and among the many scholarly works written about him,
there appeared not a single article even suggesting such a possibility.
the scandal that this lawsuit would have caused was obviously supressed
by the event of Mozart's death less than a months after the filing of
papers against him. It is possible that the Freemasons suppressed the
information and settled the debt quietly to enable Constanze to apply
for a widow's pension. It is also possible that Constanze settled the
debt from the proceeds of the benefit concerts she organised and were
organised for her after her husband's death. All these questions will
remain unanswered until new data is discovered.
What motivated this litigation is not known and neither is the origin
of such a debt. So far we have no information when the debt was
incurred. Lichnowsky was Mozart's pupil in composition and a fellow
Mason.
He was the same age as Mozart and his obsession with music is well
documented. For a short period, Beethoven lived with the Lichnowskys in
an apartment made available to him in their palace. Lichnowsky also
organised for Beethoven to receive a stipend of 600 gulden a year. Years
later, after they quarrelled,
Lichnowsky would sit in Beethoven's hallway for hours waiting to catch a
glimpse of the master. It is difficult therefore to understand why a
wealthy prince would go to such lengths to recover a sum of money he
could easily have lost in one night's gambling, unless it was a debt of
honour incurred by gambling. Mozart's income for the year 1791,
according to Volkmar Braunbehrens, was between 3,725 and 4,00 gulden.
Why was this debt not settled.
The disorder in Mozart's financial affairs is well documented but the
time when he was considered a pauper is long gone given the evidence of
his income.
During the last five years of his life his total recorded earnings (not
counting the monies received at private concerts) amounted to 12,366
gulden, averaging 2,473 gulden annually. Added to this were sums of
money earned through recitals and publications bringing his income
between 1782 and 1791 to a healthy 4,000 gulden annually. An orchestral
player and his family could live in Vienna on an income of 400 gulden
annually. A school teacher received between 150 and 200 gulden and a
physician at a major viennese hospital received the princely sum of 600
gulden. Leopold Mozart received 400 gulden annually and managed to live
in comfort although living expenses were lower in Salzburg.
How did Mozart spend his earnings? According to Leopold Mozart, the
household was run very frugally by Constanze and he was not often given
to complimenting her. Although Mozart coveted expensive clothes and
liked to live in luxury, household expenses did not eat up his earnings.
Constanze's illnesses and pregnancies during the last three years of
Mozart's life were costly but the expenses incurred during Constanze's
visits to Baden, where she was seeking a cure for her ulcerated varicose
veins were small. Mozart's letter to Choirmaster Stoll in Baden dated
early June 1791 reveals the economy of her stay there: "Will you please
find a small apartment for my wife? The rooms I should prefer are those
Goldhahn used to occupy on the ground floor at the butchers."
Mozart's famous letters to his fellow Mason Michael Puchberg began in
June 1788. The begging nature of the letters makes distressing reading.
Again and again he begs for loans. In March 1789 Mozart turned to Franz
Hofdemel, the husband of his pupil Magdalena Hofdemel, for a loan of 100
gulden. Shortly thereafter, Prince Lichnowsky and Mozart departed for
Germany. At first many writers believed that this unplanned journey was
undertaken by Lichnowsky in order to help Mozart and make his works
better known in Prussia. Some writers have lately suggested that the
journey was undertaken with the express purpose for Mozart to earn
sufficient money to repay his debt to the Prince. It seems, however,
that the purpose of the journey was defeated by the Prince's lavish
lifestyle and the unplanned nature of the concert tour. The concerts
were badly attended and the cost of staging them exceeded box office
takings. In addition, Mozart and Lichnowsky stayed in expensive
lodgings. When they parted in mid-May in Liepzig, Mozart supposedly
"loaned" Lichnowsky 100 gulden, so depleted was Lichnowky financially.
It is difficult to imagine that a man of Lichnowsky's wealth would
need to "borrow" 100 gulden from Mozart unless it was part payment of
Mozart's debt. Mozart's letter to Constanze on 23rd May 1789 takes on a
different meaning when viewed with this debt in mind: "Lichnowsky left
me here and so I had to pay for my keep in Potsdam, which is an
expensive place. I had to lend him a hundred gulden, as his purse was
getting empty. I could not well refuse him; you will know why". Gambling
debts were not discussed openly but were regarded as family secrets. The
proverbial "skeleton in the cupboard" often referred to gambling debts.
The debt remained unpaid and Mozart's begging letters to Puchberg
continued. In April 1790 he writes
to Puchberg: "Now, however - once more, but for the last time - I call
upon you to stand by me to the utmost of your power in this most urgent
matter which is going to determine my whole happiness. You know how my
present circumstances, were they to become known, would damage the
chances of my application to the court and how necessary it is that they
should remain a secret". Puchberg noted on this letter "sent 150
gulden". On May 17 1790 it appears that Puchberg was "not at home" when
Mozart called on him to ask for another loan. In 1790 before his
departure for Frankfurt, Mozart pawned all the family valuables,
including household furniture.
Mozart's inability to visit Constanze in Baden during 1791 and his
constant worry about a "business venture" for which so far there has
been no explanation take on a new significance. Equally his letters to
her appear in a new light. Constanze now in her last stages of pregnancy
was apparently distressed, as shown in Mozart's letter to her dated 9th
July, 1791: "Your letter of yesterday made me feel so depressed that I
almost made up my mind to let the business slide and drive out to you.
But what good would it have done? I should only had had to drive in
again at once or, instead of being happy, I should have been most
dreadfully worried. The affair must be concluded in a few days, for
"Z's" promises were really serious and solemn". Were these Lichnowsky's
threats?
We have no tangible evidence that Mozart gambled but it is remarkable
that his friends during the last years of his life were all well-known
gamblers. Schikaneder died in poverty due to excessive gambling.
Hofdemel apparently gambled heavily, requesting a payment of 4,400
gulden from Count Gottfried von Walldorf in Brun in March 1791.
Hofdemel's shocking suicide may well have been caused by gambling debts.
Lichnowsky spent money beyond even his own generous means and faced
financial ruin during the Napoleonic wars. This in itself provides no
evidence that Mozart gambled. The haunting question of what happened to
all his earnings, however, remains unanswered. After his death,
Constanze carefully recorded the unpaid bills amounting to a total of
918 gulden and 16 kreutzer. 282 gulden, the largest bill on the list was
owed to Georg Dummer, tailor. There were no debts incurred on behalf of
Constanze who obviously continued to make her own clothes with the help
of her maid. On the other hand, 800 gulden was owed Mozart, monies
Constanze was never able to recover.
Lichnowsky continued to live a dissipated life. In the memoirs of the
Countess Lulu Thurheim he is described as a "cynical lecher" and a
"shameless coward". Be that as it may, his life was embittered due to
his rejection by his wife, the Countess Christina Thun-Hohenstein, an
excellent pianist and a pupil of Haydn. They continued living together
but the Countess made no secret of her utter dislike of her husband and
of her revulsion to his sexual advances. It is no wonder that Lichnowsky
was described as "the enlightened patron of music and patron saint of
the bordellos".
Constanze inherited Mozart's debts but by 1797 her financial
situation was in such fine order that she was able to lend 3,500 gulden
morgage money at six per cent interest to her husband's old friends, the
Duseks on their Villa Bertranka in Prague. Long before her marriage to
Nissen, this able woman was not only surviving but was living in
comfort. If Mozart's disastrous finances were caused by gambling,
Constanze took this secret to her grave 50 years
after Mozart's death.
Agnes Selby. (Courteasy of "Quadrant" February 1992.
Subject: Contemporaries of Mozart: Sussmayr
From: Gary Smith
To: All
Date Posted: 19:34:15 04/23/04 ()
Email Address: smithworld@earthlink.net
Message:
CONTEMPORARIES OF MOZART:
The Forgotten Süssmayr:
Franz Xaver Süssmayr (1766-1803)
Foreword: This paper is primarily drawn from the Gartner book noted
in the Sources section, with other biographical information taken from
various sources. The information on the Die Zauberflote material comes
primarily from the Michael Freyhan articles listed. Note that I have
speculated a bit further than Freyhan does in his works. Any
disagreements should then properly be directed at myself to start, and
not necessarily at his work.
This is another posting in an irregular series on the various
contemporary composers from Mozart's lifetime. The material is mostly
derivative from general sources as noted. These are the people that
Mozart:
Competed for work with.
Considered as friends and colleagues.
Knew from reputation.
Taught/nurtured as pupils and students.
Franz Xaver Süssmayr was born in 1766 (the exact date is lost) in
Schwanenstadt in upper Austria. His father was the local sacristan and
teacher, with an addiction to the bottle. His mother died of
tuberculosis when he was six, and so an older sister cared for Franz. He
left home at 13 to be a choirboy at Kremsmunster, well known for its
devotion to the faith, arts and sciences. As a choirboy, he would be
housed, fed and schooled, so this was a great opportunity for any child
of the times with talent.
At Kremsmunster, he was immersed in music beyond the choir, as the
abbey had a well-deserved reputation for the excellence of its teaching
in religious, instrumental and operatic styled works. He excelled in his
classes and was active in music as a singer, violinist and organist.
These stood him in good stead as his interests moved into the abbey's
theater, which staged operas and singspiels on site. Once his voice
changed, he became a member of the orchestra.
Pater Georg Pasterwitz was his mentor at Kremsmunster, being the
director of the abbey's musical life. Having written more than 300
sacred works, as well as having an excellent grasp of "the Italian
style" from repeated trips to Vienna, he passed on much of his knowledge
to Süssmayr. As well, he later used his contacts in Vienna to smooth
Franz's entrance into that city. They remained lifelong friends, both
dying in the same year of 1803.
In the abbey's theater, Franz had an opportunity to study operas by both
Gluck and Salieri, however he seems to have preferred the call of
singspiels, as they form his early efforts for theater music. All these
early stage works were well received. However, his last one for the
abbey, Nicht mehr als sechs Schusseln (No More than Six Bowls) included
an attached 90 minute ballet (all male; it's an abbey, remember), so one
can see that some effects of his operatic studies were rubbing off.
Certainly he had more than enough experience beyond simply being at hand
to help Mozart with the details of both La Clemenza di Tito K.621and Die
Zauberflote K.620 as he did in 1791.
Being an abbey, Kremsmunster offered Süssmayr many opportunities to
compose church music. His list of sacred works includes two Masses and
two Requiems (in German), seven Offertories, a Gradual, Psalms, a
Magnificat and Hymns. In fact, Franz is one of the first composers to
actually compose a formal Requiem in German. Again, these would stand
him in good stead when having to deal with the daunting challenge of
completing Mozart's Requiem.
All in all, his efforts showed him to be a very industrious young man.
His talent, coupled with the above compositional experience, equipped
him about as well as could be hoped for a career beyond the abbey. He
chose to make the leap to Vienna in 1788, where he would have to compete
with the many composers vying for a living and fame, all operating in
the shadows of Salieri and Mozart. Franz's mentor Pasterwitz was in
Vienna at the time, representing the abbey at court. With his
connections and influence, he was most likely the intermediary that
allowed Süssmayr to apprentice with Salieri and Mozart, possibly with
both at the same time.
We first learn of Süssmayr from Mozart in a letter dated 7 June 1791,
although the text would indicate that both people knew one another for
some time previous. It is not known when they met; in any case with 1790
not being a good year for Mozart, the general opinion (based on thin
evidence) is that it was probably in this year, and that Franz probably
began as a pupil soon afterwards. Since Barbara Ployer appears to have
performed Mozart's last piano concerto in January of 1791, it may be
that Mozart was concerned enough again with money to take on pupils for
that winter. Certainly the letters do not reveal details, but then, they
seldom do about any of the known pupils, at least on a purely teaching
level.
What the letters do reveal is that roughly playful side of Mozart,
reserved for people he was close to and cared for. Calling him a "dumb
boob," "ox," and "court jester" may seem a bit strong for the "classic"
Mozart, but he used these same sorts of terms for Constanze, Nannerl,
his cousin the Basle, and his friend the horn player Leutgeb. Perhaps in
the spirit of even truer "affection," one can imagine Mozart writing
this excerpt from a letter to Constanze: "Please give [Süssmayr] a few
good kicks in my name. I also ask that [Sophie, Mozart's sister-in-law]
treat him to a few; be sure that he is not suffering from a lack of
kicks. I would never want to be accused by him that you hadn't taken
care of him properly-better to beat him too much than too little." One
reads these sorts of comments only about those people Mozart cared much
for, and Franz appears not to be the only pupil so "anointed."
Once Mozart began to get busy that year with operas and the Requiem, he
seems to have needed extra hands in order to work on all these projects
so as to finish them on time. It seems odd, but few comments have
apparently been made on this point. Mozart never, so far as we know,
required help to process (as opposed to composing) his compositions.
Leopold appears to have helped in this manner when Wolfgang was young,
but as an adult Mozart handled it all by himself. Süssmayr helped with
the recitatives for La Clemenza and seems to have acted as a copyist as
well for these operas. Legend has it that he turned the pages of the
score for Mozart as he conducted at one of the premiere showings of Die
Zauberflöte as well.
He certainly had Mozart's score of Die Zauberflöte with him at Baden,
which Mozart wrote for sending back to Vienna so that Wolfgang could
orchestrate it. This means that Süssmayr had the unfinished score with
him, but for what purpose? Study, additions, copyist work, practice of
scoring himself on separate paper; what? It should be noted that in one
letter to Constanze, Mozart notes, "I hope that Süssmayr will not forget
what I laid out for him…" Rearrangements, perhaps? He could not be
copying the score out totally as a clean printer's copy as it wasn't
finished. Most likely as the main reason, there were finished sections
that he was copying out, and Mozart was really requesting that
unfinished portions be sent back so that he could complete the
orchestration. Making a clean printer's copy in parallel with Mozart's
composing would save time, in a time constrained period, when the
premiere of Die Zauberflöte was coming closer and parts were required
for orchestral use. Therefore, material in Süssmayr's hand would
necessarily be in existence.
It is worth noting here, that several early productions and copies of
Die Zauberflöte have slight differences in the text of some of the
arias. Much has been made of some spots in the opera where the text and
music seem too awkward for Mozart, where the emphasis on the syllables
doesn't match the emphasis of the scoring. These rough spots come from
the original autograph manuscript of Mozart. However, several early
copies have different words so as to make the music and words flow much
more smoothly, in fact much more as one would expect Mozart to have
originally conceived them to flow. How can this have happened?
The standard explanation has been that Mozart, in hurrying, being ill
and taking the work a bit too lightly, simply did not pay his usual
attention to the details and these rough areas slipped by. However,
considering the number of changes in detail that are to be found in
Mozart's manuscript, one would think that Mozart did pay attention. As
well, most of the observed changes are in fact associated with the text.
So, how does a great composer catch those, but not catch any awkwardness
with the matching of text to music, one of his specialties?
An article by Michael Freyhan entitled "Towards the Original Text of
Mozart's Die Zauberflöte," attempts to address this issue. Briefly
summarizing the facts, the publisher Simrock published in 1814 a
complete edition of Die Zauberflöte, claiming it came from an original
manuscript score in possession of the Elector of Cologne, obtained from
Mozart himself. He thus rejected the autograph version in common use in
favor of another text. This claim can't be substantiated, but it is
known that 23 days after Mozart's death, Constanze was offering the
Elector a copy of the opera for 100 ducats, "…as soon, that is, as the
copyist can complete the score." Süssmayr as copyist perhaps, in his
script is so similar to Mozart's? The quality of the text-music
relationship stands comparison with any work of Mozart and is arguably
superior to the autograph. This text by Simrock was used for nearly 50
years, until it was replaced as non-authentic without investigating the
source manuscript. Otto Jahn the first great Mozart scholar apparently
viewed this copy early in the 1860's, as he directs remarks about it in
the preface to his 1862 edition on Mozart. That copy is now lost.
Sentence by sentence, the autograph and Simrock's edition parallel each
other. One is but a variant of the other. One would have to assume that
the autograph came first, but as well, the Simrock version could have
been a cleaned up, finalized version that was completed after the
deadline passed for sending material to the printer for the score and
libretto so as to meet the premiere deadlines. In any event, what may
have cemented both Simrock and Jahn into an acceptance of this score
might well have been its similarity of script to that of Mozart's. And,
only Süssmayr's script would fit that equation. Remember that Süssmayr
was working under Mozart's direction in some manner in regards to the
autograph. Finally, could the reason that Constanze did not turn to
Süssmayr immediately upon Mozart's death to work on the Requiem was that
he was already producing a cleaned up copy of Die Zauberflòte for
immediate cash, while the Requiem, being paid for already, could wait a
bit for attention? A new sale first, requiring only copying, then an
older, prepaid commission requiring real finishing, to follow?
However it worked out, Franz ended up completing the Requiem in Mozart's
name and turned it over to Constanze, most likely within 100 or so days
after Mozart's death. All accounts appear to have him on the scene in
the last days; most have him taking instructions from the dying Mozart
as to how to complete this last work. Whether these are based on fact or
anecdote really can’t be verified at this point in time. One story has
it that it was Süssmayr who went to a performance of Die Zauberflòte to
fetch the doctor on the night that Mozart died. The doctor was at this
performance as part of the payment for his treatment of Mozart, due to
the shortage of money Mozart had to pay him. This shortfall would make
the need to finish the Requiem more acute. Most likely, as a grateful
pupil, Süssmayr completed this great work as a last gift to both Mozart
and his distressed widow. As investigation would later show, he
completed one last horn concerto as well, probably for bringing in more
money quickly to the family. Certainly, he appears to have ended any
other work with Constanze shortly thereafter, as he had his own career
to work about as well.
Schikaneder commissioned Süssmayr to compose an opera Moses oder der
Auszug aus Agypten, for premiere on 4 May 1792. It did not succeed as an
opera, but it did achieve some success rearranged as a cantata. This did
not stop Süssmayr from continuing to pursue theater work. His musical
output in these years appears to be mostly singspiels and comic operas,
culminating in Der Spiegel von Arkadian, which premiered in 1794, again
as a Schikaneder production. Modeled on the successful formula of Die
Zauberflöte, and set with the same generic background, it was an
immediate and long-lasting success. Praised as "…an able follower of
Mozart." Süssmayr was at the apex of his career. The Spiegel played
across Europe, five publishers offered various arrangements, and other
offers came to his door. This all culminated in his appointment as
Kapellmeister at the National Theater, in charge of German opera
production.
In this post, he now devoted himself to composing and seeking out
German stage works for "his" house. Patriotic works were composed to
take advantage of the current wave of enthusiasm for Austria's efforts
in the early Napoleonic wars. Cantata's for nobles were produced. Dance
music for royal balls came forth. Composers such as Beethoven and
Paganini based variation works of theirs off of his themes. From 1794 up
until 1800, Franz was considered a successful, popular composer in the
Viennese theater.
After this point, however, the scene began to change very rapidly.
Süssmayr's works were seemingly becoming more and more formula-driven,
and the audience taste changed sufficiently so that his newer works
enjoyed less and less success. Schikaneder as well suffered in this
regard as time went on. The controversy over the Requiem suddenly came
out as to who owned the rights and, as well, the details of its
completion. Süssmayr wrote the publisher Breitkopf & Härtel a letter on
8 February 1800 detailing his claims as to what he had completed, and
what Mozart had composed. While he, to all intents and purposes, was
truthful in this letter, there appears to have been left a lingering
feeling that he had deliberately worked to pass off his work as that of
Mozart's. However, once the facts became known and published, the
general commentary in musical circles moved towards the complaints of
awkwardness of some of the material, poor workmanship, and the idea of
him as a second-rate composer, intruding in on Mozart's coattails.
Whether these charges can be leveled or not, no one directly connected
with the controversy ever intimated any such claims against him. Critics
and scholars were leading that chorus.
At this point as well, Süssmayr began an illness that eventually
developed into tuberculosis, the same disease that killed his mother.
With this death sentence (no cure) now hanging over him, his works
appear to lose even more of their inventiveness. One of his last works
is noted only for the famous woman dancer Vignano appearing in it
clothed in a flesh-colored body stocking, which raised a few eyebrows
(at least). With about his last work, List und Zufall (Cunning and
Chance), Süssmayr had to implore the theater director where it was to be
staged, to accept it despite reservations on the part of management.
With alcoholism running in his family as well, he unfortunately turned
to the bottle as some sort of relief from the slide his career had
dropped into. The combination of disease and drink only served to
accelerate his withdrawal from music and the theater.
His older sister Maria Anna kept house for him during this time, as
Franz never married. About a year before his death, he seems to have
mentioned in a letter an intention to do so, but no name was ever
forthcoming. Confined for the most part to a single room, Süssmayr's
horizons dwindled down into more or less surviving until the following
day. His mentor Pasterwitz, an anchor in his life, died on 26 January
1803, and Süssmayr's sister Therese as well (of tuberculosis) on 10 May
1803. Finally, on 17 September 1803, Franz Xaver Süssmayr died from the
complications of tuberculosis himself.
A Chronicle of the Year 1803 remarked that "…his death was hardly
noted; only one journal devoted but a line to it." The writer then
asked, "Would this have been possible anywhere but in Austria?" Out of
money (despite income from his compositions and his secured post at the
National theater), he was buried in a pauper's grave in the cemetery at
St. Marx, the same location as his beloved teacher Mozart. And, as with
his master's, Süssmayr's gravesite is lost to us as well. Slighted,
ignored and then forgotten, Franz Xaver Süssmayr is as close to a
non-entity as a composer can come. Only the flare of his work on the
Requiem saves his name from disappearing almost completely.
Final Note: Being a Kapellmeister of the National Theater, his portrait
had been painted for display and hence posterity. However, it was lost
early on, and in tracing it down, the sad fact was revealed that it
appears to have been destroyed during WWII. Thus, not a single image of
Süssmayr is known to exist today, rendering him faceless to us as well.
Afterword:
It has always been talk a lot about Süssmayr’s completion of Mozart’s
Requiem, and in lesser amounts about his completion of the Rondo for
Horn K.514, which makes up the second half of Mozart’s Horn Concerto #1
K.412/514. There has been further speculation here and there as to what
other, if any, Mozart works Süssmayr may have had a hand in completing,
but nothing of any substance has been brought forth. (Interestingly,
Süssmayr claimed in a letter that his stage farce “Der rauschige Hans,”
composed in 1791, “…had been composed under the supervision of the late,
immortal Mozart.” True or not, it IS a claim for collaboration of sorts,
as I doubt Mozart would have merely offered verbal help. The Attwood
study fragments show a Mozart very active with corrections, for one
example.) So, while doing some checking on Süssmayr in general, it was
somewhat of a surprise to read in the latest issue of Grove's this line
in the section about him: “Süssmayr may also have had some share (along
with Johan Anton Andre’ and Friedrich Johann Eck) in the work known as
Mozart’s Violin Concerto in Eb (K.268/Anh C14.04), whose authenticity
has long been questioned.”
I broached this in a query to dennis, who researched this subject and
came up with the following material. It’s all too good to keep locked
away, so here’s the background, as such, to this statement in Grove’s.
The first mention found of Süssmayr in regard to K.268 is in the
Abert biography of Mozart (1919). What Abert actually did was expand on
a hypothesis of Ernst Rudorff (AMA-Rev. Report of 1888), in which
Rudorff expressed the opinion many passages in the Concerto were
conclusively against Mozart's authorship. But Rudorff believed there
might be some Mozart material in the Concerto, and hypothesized perhaps
Mozart left incomplete the 1st and 3rd movements and these were filled
out and supplemented by some unskilled hand. Rudorff mentioned no names.
Abert suggested that Süssmayr or Andre (of course the publisher) himself
might have been responsible for completing this work. Wyzewa/St.Foix
also mention Süssmayr and Andre in their 1922 piece on the Concerto.
In 1931 Eulenburg issued a miniature score edition of the Concerto. A
Forward by Rudolf Gerber was supplied. Gerber went a little further,
stating Mozart finished the opening tutti and the whole of the solo
Violin part of the 1st movement. In the two other movements Mozart would
have sketched out the thematic ideas. These sketches were then handed
over to Andre or Süssmayr for completion "…a task which was undertaken
in a half-hearted and somewhat inartistic fashion". However, in that
same year of 1931 C.B. Oldman published on article in Music and Letters
on the Concerto K.268. Reviewing what others had written about this
Concerto, Oldman calls the suggestion Süssmayr or Andre might have
anything to do with the completion of the Concerto "…surely quite
improbable". Einstein in K3 only summarized what everyone said of the
Concerto and makes no clear stand.
Surely since Oldman, the Süssmayr claims have not been repeated in
any serious scholarship. So I am surprised Grove's mentions his name.
But, it is another alternate theory on how this particular violin work
can in places sound very Mozartean, yet in others be somewhat clueless.
It should be pointed out that Süssmayr apparently has no concerti
accredited to him, although it appears that he started both a clarinet
and piano concerto, finishing neither (although the piano concerto does
contain two movements, apparently complete).
Sources:
Gartner, Heinz Constanze Mozart After the Requiem Amadeus Press,
Portland, Oregon USA 1986
Gutman, Robert Mozart: A Cultural Biography Harcourt Brace & Co. New
York 1999
Articles:
Freyhan, Michael "Towards the Original Text of Mozart's Die Zauberflote"
in The Journal of the American Musicological Society Summer 1986 #2, pgs
355-380
Freyhan, Michael "Rediscovery of the 18th Century Scores and Parts of
'Die Zauberflote' showing the Text Used at the Hamburg Premiere in 1793"
in the Mozart Jahrbuch 1997, pgs 109-149
CDs:
Archiv 474 193-2 Sinfonia turchesa in C
Hungaroton CLD 4042 Nas Namenfest (cantata for children)
Novalis 150 061-2 Clarinet Concerto in D (one movement only, fragment)
Concilium musicum Wien CHR 77136 Divertimento in C
Concilium musicum Wien CCD 422 Sinfonia in C
Website of Note:
http://www.suessmayr.at/suessmayr.html
Subject: Mozart's Vienna III: The 1795 Music Yearbook
From: Gary Smith
To: All
Date Posted: 12:56:56 04/18/04 ()
Email Address: smithworld@earthlink.net
Message:
Mozart's Vienna III: The 1795 Music Yearbook
MOZART'S VIENNA
YEARBOOK OF THE MUSIC OF VIENNA AND PRAGUE 1796
By Johann Ferdinand Ritter von Schönfeld
Preface: I recently acquired a book off of Ebay entitled Haydn and
His World, a series of essays edited by Elaine Sisman. I've only just
started this book, which looks very good. What caught my eye in an
initial skimming was the Yearbook document at the end of the book. It is
an attempt to list the various notable patrons, composers and musicians
(amateur and professional) of both cities circa 1795/96. Only the first
three or so chapters are translated here and deal with Vienna, the
balance deals with Prague and the professionals, court and noble
orchestras, publishers and so forth of both cities. While this is some
five years past Mozart's death, there are many people in here familiar
to most of us. As well, music was beginning its transition into the
Romantic style, and some comments appear on this trend as well. The
introduction to this work states that the intent is not to criticize
anyone, but instead to note his or her contributions to the scene. So,
for the most part, entries operate under the guise of "if you can't say
anything nice, don't say much at all." However, there are SOME entries
where this practice slips a bit.
The entries on people is set up alphabetically, with the spelling of
the time (and it's useful to note that a LOT of mistakes are made with
names) left intact. I've selected a few entries I thought were
interesting for display here. My editorial comments will be set within
brackets [such as this] and deletions from the text by me as…. Finally,
throughout the text it is mentioned that people play or compose for
keyboard. It looks at this time as the actual terms are in flux, as
pianoforte, fortepiano and piano are all used in here. This may,
however, be a translation point, not something inherent within the
original text.
And so, on to the selections.
Selected Entries
Albrechtsberger, Johann George: Director of music at St. Stephen's [he
followed Leopold Hofmann when the latter died, for whom Mozart was an
unpaid assistant], he has written a well-known music textbook. His
teaching is robust, through, and classical. Every musician who has
studied under him has felt this to be an advantage. His main subject is
church music and his fugues are exceptional. He is no friend of modish
music in the galant style [meaning he didn't care for Mozart?]. He is an
exceptional organist.
Auernhammer, Katarina/Charlotte/Theres: [All three sisters are mentioned
as excellent singers and Charlotte plays the pianoforte "with a great
deal of taste and fluency." Their older sister Josepha, is not listed
here or under her married name of Bessenig. She was Mozart's piano pupil
in 1781 and had many works dedicated to her. The sonata four hand K.488
was probably composed for her. I just wanted to show the breadth of
musical depth in various families listed in this work. The Auernhammers
are by no means any sort of exception.]
Bethofen, Ludwig van [got the name wrong here, as you can see!]: A
musical genius who has chosen to live in Vienna for the last two years.
He is generally admired for his extraordinary speed and the ease with
which he plays extremely difficult music. He seems recently to have
entered deeper into the inner sanctum of music, and one notices this
particularly in the precision, feeling and taste of his work. It has
heightened his fame considerably. His true love of art is revealed by
the fact that he has become a student of our immortal Haiden [botched
that name as well!], to be initiated into the sacred mysteries of
composition. During the absence of Haiden, this great master…has
transferred his student to the great Albrechtsberger. Much can be
expected when such a genius entrusts himself to the most excellent
masters. We have already several beautiful sonatas from him; the most
recent are particularly outstanding. [Portentous notice for the years
1795-96, one would think].
Eberl, Anton: [pupil of Mozart] A skillful pianist and composer who
mostly sets literary works. [That's the entire entry. Later, he was
considered a rival to Beethoven, but obviously not in 1795!]
Eibler, Joseph: [Eybler, actually] Choirmaster at the Schottenkirche
[pupil of Mozart and did some finishing on the Requiem as well], is very
talented on the organ and pianoforte. He plays quickly and pleasantly
and improvises quite well. He does not seem to like teaching however,
for he has neglected some of his lectures and given others up. He has
written some fine quartets for the violin, also some quintets for an
oboe principale, but they are not in general use, since they were
especially written for Herr Däumer and therefore teem with difficulties.
One would hope, for the sake of music, that he does not allow himself to
be blinded by the current madness, which looks for beauty in bombast,
extreme speed, and in superabundance of notes [Romantics; what did I
tell you?]. It would be a pity if such a man, with his talent, were to
forget that music, as a fine art, must follow nature's principles and
that nature, far from overloading her works, uses rules of the strictest
economy and, in her simple way, reaches that grace which moves us so
deeply. [That's a lot of editorial place here, so one wonders if the
author senses Eybler "straying" and is attempting publicly to bring him
back into the fold. From what I've heard of his music, he didn't stray
far. That last sentence "It would be a pity…" would appear to make the
Ritter von Schönfeld a Haydn man, more than a Mozartean].
Gyrowetz, Adalbert: [friend of Mozart and Haydn] A young artist who
does not yet seem to have found his direction. He reads music and plays
the piano with skill, and also plays the violin very well. The
compositions he has written, quartets, sonatas and Italian ariettas, are
generally popular, especially abroad [meaning not popular in Vienna? Or
is "popular" meant here as not learned enough for connoisseurs?] The
latter have very pleasant themes and good form and aesthetic. We can
probably [Probably? Is there a lack of confidence here?] expect much of
this genius. [No mention of his symphonies appears, which I think were
published by Artaria in Vienna. Either they were neglected or forgotten.
Mozart, supposedly, praised them in public and used at least one at one
of his own concerts. Certainly one was issued under Mozart's name
later.]
Haiden, Joseph: [Haydn, obviously. The entry for Haydn is the longest
in this Yearbook, so I won't give all of it. Von Schönfeld's feeling for
him is best displayed in this passage:] His works "…are full of
bewitching harmonies, and they have this special quality of immediately
attracting one's attention, holding it and moving on, as if in a
labyrinth, through flowering meadows, past babbling brooks, alongside
roaring streams. His themes often fall into two seemingly contradictory
parts, which, in their very opposition, come to a wonderful agreement
and, unnoticed, weave themselves into perfect accord." [Given the
comments under Eybler about Nature, I think you can see who the model of
musical perfection is for the good Ritter.]
Hoffmeister, Franz Anton: [Published many of Mozart's works] A
composer who seems to be better known and liked abroad than in his
hometown. Nobody but Haydn has written so much and for so many
instruments. There are symphonies, sonatas, duets, trios, quartets,
quintets, for violin, viola, flute, piano, etc. [Helps when you are a
composer to own your own publishing firm! Hoffmeister's specialty was
composing pleasant, relatively easy works for the amateur market. Hence,
his problems with some of Mozart's works, especially the Piano Quartets
in g and Eb.]
Hummel, Johann Nepomuk: [Pupil of Mozart] A pleasant youth of 15. A
born genius on whom the Muse already smiled in his childhood. He is
already a skillful pianist whom everybody who hears has to admire since
he is, at this moment, such an artist that his equal can only be sought,
not found [not even with Beethoven? This is a strong statement, given
what was said about Beethoven, and the fact that Hummel is only 15!] It
is generally believed that he may well claim a talent like Mozart's. [No
pressure here!]. Yet sensitive listeners miss the light and shade as
well as the soul in his playing, and since these are an integral part of
music they much prefer the young Clement [another prodigy in the Mozart
mold of the time]. But nobody can dispute his manly fire. He has written
some sonatas which have been received with approval. Nobody is more able
to produce variations on a given theme on the spot. [Which, if you
recall, was always considered Beethoven's and Mozart's strong suits.
This analysis makes for some very interesting food for thought, as
Mozart was only five years dead and so could be remembered fairly well,
and of course Beethoven was right there for daily comparison.]
Kozeluch, Leopold: Imperial Director of Music…known as a distinguished
musician all over Europe for the last ten years. [Also had a nasty
tongue: see my posting on him under Mozart's Contemporaries.] Few
composers have written as much for the fortepiano. [Do you know of any
now, though?] He has composed some very fine symphonies [the ones issued
in 1787-88 were considered his best]. His concertos have the advantage
of following a definite system and being written with the greatest
clarity. [Not-Romantic leading, in other words]…His subjects are
pleasing and sweetly caressing in the adagio. He has written many
cantatas and arias, which prove he has a great capacity for handling
vocal music, and they reveal his ability to write operas. [It might be
remembered here that his cantata for the coronation of Leopold II in
1790 brought him much renown, and contributed greatly to his appointment
as a court composer to the Vienna court after Mozart's death.]
…Unfortunately, he is accused of being too pleased with himself and that
he repeats himself or dwells too long in one place. There is less
justice in the opinion that he plagiarizes parts of his own work though
some passages may resemble one another. This can, after all, be seen as
a characteristic of his style, and which classical composer may not be
recognized by his style? [Not a sterling review here. Also, this is one
of the earliest places where the term "classical composer" crops up. It
again may mean here just older composers such as Bach or Handel,
though].
Lange, Aloysia [nee Weber, Constanze's sister]: Woe the good reputation
of our taste and knowledge that such a great virtuoso should live among
us as an amateur! And woe if she has finally to seek her bread abroad!
…Vienna searches all of Italy for singers and keeps such a paragon idle
within its walls. Any composer whose work she performs will gain
immeasurably…[And the review continues on in a like vein. A couple
points here would be that her marriage was stormy and ultimately fell
apart, contributing to a depression of sorts. She seems to have suffered
from stomach cramps a lot, which have been noted as probably
psychosomatic in scope. These items led to her being considered
difficult at times to work with.]
Mozart, Madam [Constanze]: Plays the piano and sings quite nicely.
[That's the entire entry. Nothing on the concerts or publishing of
music. And, nothing on the two sons either. Frankly, I expected more
here. Did the bad press start already by 1795?]
Paradis, Marie Theres [The blind pianist and composer. Mozart
composed K.456 for her] Her touch is that of a master rather than a
student, for she makes demands on herself which are neither sleight of
hand nor bursts of noisy speed but are nourishment for the spirit and
the heart. What is most praiseworthy is the way she plays is the
feeling, taste, nuance, clarity and precision she shows. She is
especially strong in the so-called pearly style, in which all the notes
in a run stand in the same relationship to each other in power, clarity
and tempo…
Her greatest works are the best known: the opera Der Schulkandidat, a
melodrama Ariadne and Bacchus, and a cantata on the death of the King of
France…. [Any works of hers recorded anywhere?]
Salieri, Antonio: Imperial Director of Music, is a student of the
great Gassmann, his predecessor, and is a great admirer of the immortal
Gluck on whose style he models his work. When one adds this to his own
genius, one understands the source of his greatness. While we have a few
piano and organ concertos, and he has written some church music, the
Italian Opera is his chief field, and all of Europe is grateful for his
output. Whatever differences of opinion and obsessions with innovation
there may be, there is no doubt that his operas stand out among all
others with their wit, tone-painting, humor, gracefulness, fire and good
unartificial instrumental writing…
Sussmayr, Franz Xaver: The second director of the Hoftheater. He has
recently become popular by writing several German operas. His opera
Moses is written in an elevated style and perhaps not very suitable for
the Theater auf der Wieden [Schkaneder's theater] for that very reason.
But he has had a great deal more luck with his Spiegel von Arkadien (The
Mirror of Arcadia) which, apart from some very well thought out pieces,
including several trifling and well-known arias which he has inserted in
suitable places, so that the whole thing has caused a sensation. [That
whole sentence is oddly constructed, which implies that the "very well
thought out pieces" are detraction from the work as a whole. In other
words, it's a popular, not elevated work, that the critics don't care
for?] what serves to recommend him is that he is a student of Mozart
[someone obviously thinks so at this time], who valued him greatly.
Indeed, he worked on some of the unfinished pieces of that great genius.
[Very interesting note there! I don't believe Sussmayr's contribution to
the Requiem was officially known officially in 1795, but does this
indicate it was UNOFFICALLY known? Also note it says "pieces." For
certain we know Sussmayr finished a Horn Concerto in 1792 as well as the
Requiem, so those two works qualify the word "pieces." But, if the
Requiem work is unknown, what might then be at least the other piece? Is
there the possibility that Sussmayr completed other works, perhaps with
no remaining manuscripts (say KAnh 498a, for example?). Any ideas or
comments?]
Vanhal, Johann, Baptist [Contemporary of Mozart, played in a
celebrated reading of one of the "Haydn" quartets along with Haydn,
Mozart and Dittersdorf] One of our oldest composers who, it seems, has
fallen out of fashion. But this is not so abroad, where his work is
still much appreciated. He has written a great deal for most
instruments, but nothing new has appeared for some time, and it may be
thought that he himself has wished to be forgotten. [By this time,
Vanhal was teaching and mostly composing religious works. Perhaps Herr
von Schönfeld didn't attend those churches.]
Wranitzky, Paul: Director of the opera orchestra at the Imperial
National Theater…Also a splendid violinist who gas written quartets,
symphonies and operas. [Such as Oberon, a precursor to The Magic Flute,
staged by Schkaneder in 1790. Note that Chandos will release shortly
four symphonies by him on their Contemporaries of Mozart label. There's
not much of his out there, so this is a good chance to add to your
collection.]
This is only a skimming of all the entries noted in the Haydn book.
Generally speaking, most of the amateur musicians listed are women, who
play piano or violins, or just sing.
Regards,
Gary
Subject: Mozart's catalog two steps earlier
From: Dan Leeson
To: All
Date Posted: 10:24:59 04/12/04 ()
Email Address: dnleeson@sbcglobal.net
Message:
In looking over the postings about Mozart and his own thoughts about his
place in history, it appears to me that the discussions having to do
with his catalog are two steps away from where they might be. In any
discussion about Mozart's own catalog of his compositions, the first
question is "Why is this document of importance?" The second question is
"What about the catalog raises issues concerning its accuracy?
To jump into the middle of the discussion by noting what Alan Tyson
said and then my rebuttal to that issue (as invited by Dennis), I think
we need some information about the first two points.
Mozart's estate at the time of this death was in disarray, and I
restrict myself here only to the matter of his music. What he wrote and
when he wrote it was a significant problem at the time of his death and,
to a considerable extent, remains so to this day. So any documentation
that is useful in establishing the dates and order of his compositions
is a precious thing. Among those items are, of course, his letters which
speak about this or that composition.
Playing a very critical role in this whole problem is his own
catalog, allegedly begun on Feb. 9, 1784, and continuing sporadically on
and off until his death. No one maintains that the catalog is without
error, but most accept the obvious conclusion about its beginning. The
catalog's cover speaks of February 9 and this has always been
interpreted as representing the day that he actually made the first
entry, which happened to be the Ployer piano concerto, K. 449 and which
she played for the first time at her home on Mar. 23, 1784.
To be precise, there is nothing explicit by which one can conclude
that Mozart began the catalog on that date. On the contrary, his remarks
can very well be interpreted as being a list of compositions made at a
later time but which include only those compositions completed on or
after Feb. 9. But despite this point, it is generally assumed that he
began the catalog on that date.
So that is a brief comment about why the document is of importance;
that is, it gives us material from Mozart's hand about the order and
dating of a number of compositions. And it is an enormously impotant
document. No Mozart authority can ignore it, and it's contents have
always been assumed to be sacrosanct. Certainly, Koechel relied very
heavily on it during his creation of K1.
The problems with the catalog begin to arise with the second
question, namely why are there issues of accuracy at all? If Mozart said
that he completed the Ployer concerto on Feb. 9, why would anyone
question that?
There are three fundamental problems with the catalog. First the K
listing of a number of works are impacted by the fact that they are in
the catalog, and second, a number of works are impacted by the fact that
they are NOT in the catalog. That has led to a variety of compositions
being dated before Feb. 9 simply because they are not in the catalog.
The most critical one from my point of view was the Gran Partitta
because I believe it to have been composed very much around the period
Jan. 1, 1784 to Mar. 23, 1784 (when it was first performed and on the
very same night that Ployer played K. 449). But it is not in Mozart's
catalog allowing some to state that it must have been written suffiently
earlier which is why it is not in the catalog.
In Tyson's case, he said it was written in 1781 based on several
issues, including watermarks, the influence of the C Major flute
quartet, and the mistaken identity of a sketch found in K. 375 a 6. As
far as I know he made no public statements based on the non-appearance
of the Gran Partitta in Mozart's catalog, nor did he make any public
statement on the issue of the work's alleged performance during Mozart's
wedding in 1782. Though we never spoke of that matter, I suspect he like
I and like most Mozart experts considered that possibility as unworthy
of serious further discussion.
The third problem has to do with a number of the first 10 entries of
the catalog, namely the ones that don't make sense. Perhaps the most
obvious such case is the piano concerto written for the blind pianist,
Maria Paradis who performed the work in Paris only two days after the
alleged date of completion of the piece as recorded in Mozart's catalog.
The problem is, of course, that Mozart could not have finished that
piece on the date indicated because in the two days following that date
the manuscript would have had to be transported to Paris, copied into
performance parts, perhaps rehearsed, and played by a blind woman who
would have had no time at all to learn the solo part.
I think that, of the first 10 entries in the catalog, 8 or 9 have the
problem of a date of composition being two days before the first
performance, and even under the best circumstances, that is not likely
to have happened. I know that the overture to Don Giovanni is said to
have been written the night before the first performance of the opera.
It was copied and then played without rehearsal at the premiere. That
was possible only because it is short. It is also reported that when the
orchestra played the overture at the performance, the ink was still wet
on some of the pages.
Now that is the background for the article mentioned by Whitwell and
me. We offered an explanation for the anomalies of the first 10 or so
entries, pointing out that the anomalies stopped around the 10th entry
which I think occurred in November or December 1784. That led to our
hypothesis that the catalog was NOT begun on Feb. 9, 1784 but some nine
months later. I'm not going to give those arguments here because you can
get and read the piece we did for the Musical Times.
I believe the arguments we gave were very strong, absolutely
objective, and with hard evidence supporting them. Those arguments
convinced Alan Tyson and he said so, as I have indicated. It was when,
at a later time, he stated that he was not convinced by the arguments
that the hypothesis went down the tubes, not because it was flawed, but
because Tyson wrote in the introduction to the facsimile of the catalog,
that he did not accept it, though he was unclear about why he was taking
that position and said nothing about having contradicted his earlier
endorsement of the idea.
It is always difficult to created a technical paper that contradicts
previously accepted knowledge on any Mozartean subject. So when Whitwell
and I received positive reactions to our hypothesis about the real
beginning date of the catalog from Zaslaw, Stanley Sadie, Tyson,
Christoph Wolff, Bob Levin, and many others, we were very pleased to
have made that kind of contribution to the Mozart literature. But then
Tyson effectively killed the idea, and his reputation was sufficiently
strong for him to do so with a wave of his hand. That his reaction to
our hypothesis at that stage of his life might have been influenced by
the pathology of his final illness is something that will never be know.
Dan Leeson
Subject: Contemporaries of Mozart: Johann Christian Cannabich
From: Gary Smith
To: All
Date Posted: 10:30:18 04/11/04 ()
Email Address:
Message:
CONTEMPORARIES OF MOZART:
Johann Christian Innocenz Bonaventura Cannabich (1731-1798)
This is another posting in an irregular series on the various
contemporary composers from Mozart's lifetime. The material is mostly
derivative from general sources as noted. These are the people that
Mozart:
Competed for work with.
Considered as friends and colleagues.
Knew from reputation.
Taught/nurtured as pupils and students.
Johann Christian Innocenz Bonaventura Cannabich, was born in Mannheim
in 1731. He received his early training from his father Martin Friedrich
Cannabich. Christian Cannabich entered the Mannheim court orchestra as a
prodigy at the age of 12 in 1744, due to his great promise in the study
of the violin. He eventually became a pupil of Johann Stamitz, the noted
composer and leader of the orchestra. In 1746 or 1747 he was formerly
appointed as a violinist to the orchestra at 125 gulden per year (around
$5000 US). The Elector Carl Theodor sent him to study in Italy and in
the autumn of 1750 he began to take composition lessons from Jommelli in
Rome, where he remained until 1753. Cannabich is known to have
accompanied Jommelli to Stuttgart but he returned to Italy in 1754. He
stayed there until his appointment as leader of the Mannheim court
orchestra, which occurred following the death of Stamitz in 1757. By
1759 he advanced to the post of Konzertmeister where he was lauded for
his conducting technique and violin playing.
Cannabich accompanied Duke Christian IV to Paris in 1764 to help
encourage the spread of compositions by the Mannheim school of
composers. In 1766 he was in Paris again where he was able to publish
six symphonies and six trios. There as well he met Leopold and Wolfgang
Mozart on their first major tour across Europe. With the success of his
first publishing efforts, Parisian publishers issued most of Cannabich’s
works after 1766. In a later visit (1772) he appeared as a soloist at
the Concert Spirituel and won a medal in a prestigious composition
competition for a symphonie concertante, believed to be No. 42 in e
flat. Also in 1772, Dr. Charles Burney visited Mannheim and was very
impressed by the abilities of the orchestra under Cannabich. His famous,
oft-quoted remark that the orchestra appeared to him like “…an army of
generals, equally competent to plan a campaign and fight in it” shows
that while many creative composers were orchestra members, Cannabich was
able to weld them into a formidable ensemble by use of his personality
and an effective orchestral discipline. The Mannheim orchestra practiced
weekly, strove for clarity and brilliance, and was considered by all who
heard it as the finest orchestra in Europe.
In 1774 Cannabich formally succeeded to the position as director of
instrumental music, thereby becoming sole conductor and trainer of the
most celebrated orchestra in Europe. His pay rose to the astounding
level of 1500 gulden, or about $60,000 US, well above the normal for the
time. The next four years, until the court moved to Munich in 1778, was
a time of great success and renown for the composer. His house was
always open to visiting artists and he had contact with numerous
musicians across Europe. Mozart, who with his mother was on another tour
in 1777-79, reported in a letter to his father "I cannot tell you what a
good friend Cannabich is to me". Cannabich worked to assist Mozart in
acquiring a post and commissions while he stayed over the winter of
1777-78 in Mannheim. Mozart lived for a time in the Cannabich household
and gave almost daily keyboard lessons to the Cannabich's daughter,
Rosina, for whom he composed the Sonata in C, K.309.
In 1778, Elector Carl Theodor became the ruler of the combined
Palatinate and Bavaria. To secure his rule over Bavaria, he moved the
court and its orchestra to Munich. Cannabich became the director of the
combined orchestras, still at 1500 gulden per year. He acquired
additional responsibilities, which included conducting opera
performance, subscription series concerts and weekly musical academies.
He may have had an influence at the Munich court in Mozart receiving the
commission to Idomeneo K.366 for the 1780-81 Carnival season. Of course,
the fact that Mozart had scored a success back in the 1774-75 Carnival
season with the opera La finta giardiniera K.196 obviously was a plus in
gaining a new commission as well. Certainly Cannabich conducted Idomeneo
in Munich and assisted Mozart in getting his vision of the work achieved
on-stage.
Though well compensated in Munich, Cannabich began having troubles
keeping solvent, making several requests of the Elector for additional
amounts of money. In the 1790s musical activity overall at the electoral
court was curtailed and Cannabich, like his colleagues Toeschi and
Fraenzl, was forced to complain about these cutbacks in the musical
establishment, and, more seriously, about cuts in his salary. In the
last year of his life, Cannabich took a one third cut in pay and found
it necessary to undertake concert tours to make his ends meet. He died
on 20 January 1798 in Frankfurt while on a visit to his son Carl.
Although Cannabich's fame today lies principally in his role as
director of the famous Mannheim court orchestra, he was a prolific and
successful composer whose works were admired equally in both Mannheim
and Paris. From around 1758, when he returned from Milan, he began
collaboration with the newly appointed court ballet-master Etienne
Lauchery that brought about a flowering of dramatic ballet in Mannheim.
Dr Charles Burney gave the highest praise to Cannabich's ballet "La
foire de village hessoise" that he saw at Schwetzingen in 1772 and it
has been asserted by scholars that ballet was probably the best medium
for Cannabich's compositional style. His symphonies, however, have
attracted less than enthusiastic praise. They have been regarded as
guilty of falling into what Leopold Mozart considered “…the affected
Mannheim taste”. Wolfgang also criticized the fact that they all begin
alike: in unison with long note values and large leaps (letter of 20
November 1777) although he also drew attention to the elegant
instrumentation heard in the more recent works. Cannabich’s last
symphonies, though not published at the time and apparently little
circulated, are very good representations of the mature Classical style.
One may suspect that Mozart influenced him as well.
In spite of his professional qualms about Cannabich's style, Mozart
appears to have deliberately employed a fair number of Cannabich’s stock
compositional devices around this time. Most notably, it appears, in the
Paris Symphony K.297, probably the Sinfonia Concertante K.297b and the
later Sinfonia Concertante, K.364. The first two were geared for Paris
where, as noted earlier, Cannabich’s compositions had been very
successful. On December 6, 1777, from Mannheim Mozart wrote his father
he has already transcribed a contredance for piano for Cannabich.
Wolfgang also wrote that Cannabich found him useful to transcribe
selections of his ballet music, as Cannabich cannot do so. However
Mozart does not specifically write that he actually did this, or for
what work. Mozart liked and admired him immensely, writing to Leopold
that: “Cannabich, who is the best director that I have ever seen, has
the love and awe of those under him” (letter of 9 July 1778).
Cannabich is credited with:
23 or more ballets, circa 70 symphonies, 2 symphonie concertantes, 4
violin concerti, 7 concerti with organ and other solo instruments, a
keyboard concerto, and much chamber music. Naxos has two CD’s of
symphonies available, and at about $8.00 each, are very worth obtaining
to discover this gifted composer.
Sources:
Sadie, Stanley (Ed.) The New Groves Dictionary of Music and Musicians
2nd Edition Groves Dictionaries, New York 2000
Artaria Composers page
Liner notes to the Naxos CDs of Cannabich’s symphonies; 8.553960 and
8.554340
Subject: Musicale XXVII
From: Gary Smith
To: All
Date Posted: 21:26:19 04/10/04 ()
Email Address:
Message:
Mozart Musicale XXVII “Spring”
This past Saturday, April 2nd, some members of this Board met for
another musicale featuring Mozart’s music. We met at my home here in
Cypress, California. It was a nice spring day, with the rose bushes
coming into bloom and the temperature about 74F. Things started a bit
late (unfortunately), finally commencing just at a quarter after 1:00
P.M.
First off, we discussed some Forum business regarding the Anhang
sections of the Köchel we’re finishing off. After that, we discussed
some other items in the workshop, such as the timeline and links. Some
discussion as well was given to handling details for placing items into
the Library.
Then, of course, the musicale proper began.
Play List:
Mozart: Piano Concerto #1 in F K.37
Mozart: Piano Concerto #2 in Bb K.39
Mozart: Piano Concerto #6 in Bb K.238
Hummel: Transcriptions of K.503 (1st mvmt) and K.466 (2nd mvmt)
Mozart?: La Tartine de Beurre C.27.09
Mozart: Two small fugues for organ K.154a
Mozart: Menuet K.61gII
Who’s This Then? K.511a
Beethoven: Piano Concerto #2 in Bb; soloist Glenn Gould
Dinner at Coco’s to harass Mark the waiter
Videos by Steve of:
Schubert: Rosamund Overture
Mozart: Concert Arias for Bass
K.432 Cosi dunque tradisci
K.612 Per questa bella mano
K.584 Rivolgete a lui lo squardo
Mozart: Violin Sonata in e K.304
Mozart: Violin Sonata in C K.403
Eberl: Piano Concerto in C (1st mvmt), Op.32
Eberl: Symphony in C (1st mvmt) W.O.N. 7
Mozart: Piano Concerto #9 in Eb “Genomai”
Mozart: Requiem Fragment on Opus 111 (catalogue # OP30307)
Called it a night at 10:00 PM
General Notes:
As you can see, this musicale mostly focused on piano works, which I
like to do on a yearly basis. The first couple are early Mozart works
one rarely hears (well, at least most people) and so it’s fun to start
there and see where things go.
The Hummel transcriptions were very interesting, though each in their
different ways. The one of K.503 was very nicely and tastefully done,
except that the cadenza was large, extensive and too large for the
movement. The other transcription of Mozart’s wonderful 2nd movement to
Piano Concerto #20 was disappointing, in that Hummel obviously didn’t
“get” it. He throws whole handfuls of grace notes everywhere, in fact
putting so many in certain phrases that the measured effect of Mozart’s
pacing and architecture is spoiled.
C27.09 was mentioned at the Forum recently, so it got trotted out for
review. No one voted “for” Mozart as composer here.
Who’s This Then was sort of a trick piece, in that no one is really sure
who composed it. However, you could see the smiles crossing the faces of
folks as they got into the work and figured it “had” to be either really
early Beethoven or “maybe” Mozart. In fact, these are the two major
candidates (Kozeluch is the other). The best way to explain things is
that it has stylistic fingerprints of both composers, though one leans
towards Beethoven as opposed to Mozart, in the end.
The Beethoven Piano Concerto #2 played by Glenn Gould is a “classic”
recording every music lover should listen to, once. It’s late 1950’s
mono recording; the orchestra is the Academic Symphonic Orchestra of
Leningrad (which, since they only recently took up playing Western
composers as opposed to Soviets at this time, had only an indistinct
idea of how to approach this work), and the soloist is Gould, who really
didn’t care for music post Baroque anyway. So, we have an orchestra that
takes the work a bit on the quick side and plays it technically correct
but with no real life. But, when Gould comes in, he feels that the tempo
is a bit slow, so he plays his material a tad faster than the orchestra
(!).
Of course, this means he leads the orchestra along, and when they
play with him, they speed up, and then slow down for the purely
orchestral material. Gould then picks the pace up whenever he comes in.
This produces a mild herky-jerky effect that continues all through the
first movement. The icing on this cake is that Gould attempts
Beethoven’s “Hammerklavier” cadenza for this movement. The history here
is that the concerto dates from 1795 (touched up some around 1800 or so
though), so it’s early First Period Beethoven. The cadenza, however, was
composed no earlier than 20 years later, maybe even 25 years later,
which is obviously Late Period style. Beethoven’s cadenza has all the
dissonance and crankiness of his Hammerklavier Sonata, which is why the
cadenza has acquired this nickname. With Gould not caring for music post
Baroque, one wonders why he would tackle Beethoven, but even more why
he’d try late Beethoven. So, he proceeds into the cadenza, too slow
here, too fast there, until he manages to ruin the effective “abyss”
ending Beethoven crafts, and then blithely speeds into the end.
After dinner, we listened to the works Steve brought. The bass
concert arias were excellently sung by a newcomer, whose name I did not
get. After the two excellent violin sonatas, we heard two works by a
pupil of Mozart’s, Anton Eberl. The Piano Concerto is an early Romantic
type, strong on bravura and a bit weak on invention, but good. The first
movement of the symphony freely borrows ideas from Mozart’s Haffner
Symphony, which might make one think that as Mozart’s pupil, Eberl was
around when it was composed, or came on the scene shortly thereafter.
However, his symphony sounds more like a 1790’s era work; certainly not
a mid-1780’s.
To close, we heard the newly rechristened Piano Concerto #9, which,
as Alfred Brendel says, is an early miracle of Mozart’s. Mlle. Genomai
must have been one heck of a player to inspire Mozart for this work.
Finally, we heard the Requiem fragment mentioned earlier at the
Forum. This is a wonderful concept, as the controversy has always
swirled around who was responsible for what. However, when you hear only
what Mozart actually put down on paper, you can immediately hear the
genius of this work, and hence know that, in the end, any additional
material added did not add to that genius. I might say that that there
are no apparent “gaps” where Mozart failed to links bars together. I say
apparent, because the work as performed here utilizes an organ continuo,
which would cover readily noticeable gaps. So, as listeners, you won’t
hear empty bars. Except for the Lacrimosa, the “Mozart” movements are
quite complete, only more austere, in an already austere work. As an
added benefit, this recording contains the “Amen” fragment that turned
up in the early 1960’s. It is presented here on it’s own, not attached
to any particular movement. So, that makes this CD recording that much
more of necessary work for your collection.
The next musicale should be in 4-6 weeks.
Subject: Mozart as a "Jacobin"
From: Gary Smith
To: All
Date Posted: 22:02:46 04/06/04 ()
Email Address:
Message:
Mozart Considered as a "Jacobin"
Foreword
I came across this article back in 1978, just after I discovered
Mozart. It opened many avenues of exploration for me, some of which are
still being pursued. I thought that I would scan my old 26-year-old
photocopy in and post it for everyone. I also thought that this would be
a LOT easier than typing it in. However, my old photocopy and my new
scanner were not really compatible, as sentences would come out looking
something like this: "Aften MOz~rt amived in Yienne, ha wruta his fatner
t0 tall him.." Optical Character Recognition indeed! It should be
Optional Character Recognition! I believe that I caught all the word
customizations, but some of the more clever ones may have slipped past.
I have also added a couple of comments, noted in ( ) with Ed. attached.
=========================================================================
Mozart Considered as a "Jacobin"
(Jacobin n. An extreme political radical, from the Jacobins, a
society of radical democrats in France during the Revolution of 1789.)
By James Stevens Curl
From the Musical Review, Vol 35 #2, Aug. 1974 pgs 131-141
JOANNES CHRYSOSTOMUS WOLFGANGUS THEOPHILUS MOZART was born in
Salzburg on 21 January 1756, the seventh child of Johann Georg Leopold
Mozart and his wife, Anna Maria Walburga, nee Pertl. The "Theophilus"
part of young Mozart's forenames became "Gottlieb" in German" and later
was changed to "Amadeus" or "Amade" by Mozart himself from about 1777.
Mozart, composer of Elysian harmonies, the man and artist who made the
eighteenth century forever sing in our ears, was, in his later years, a
Mason and a sympathizer with many of the ideas that broke through to the
surface in the French Revolution. As such, he must be classed among the
people whom later generations, especially the Metternichs, Castlereaghs,
and Wellingtons of the world were accustomed to call Jacobins, by which
they meant liberals, progressives, and believers in ideas of
nationality.
The young Mozart, aged twelve, and by that time widely traveled,
composed a one-act Singspiel with German words derived from Rousseau's
Le Devin du Village of 1752. It was called Bastien and Bastienne K.50
and was first performed in Vienna in the garden of the famous Dr. Anton
Mesmer, the discoverer of "animal magnetism". Curiously, the opening
bars of the overture are very similar to those of the first movement of
the Eroica symphony by Beethoven, a work that was fraught with
Jacobinian overtones. (Though to imply any such thoughts in the young
Mozart’s mind seems to me to be asking too much here. This is almost
certainly a case of sheer coincidence, as Beethoven could not have heard
this work before the time of his “Eroica” Symphony. Ed.)
On 10th March 1749, Emanuele Conegliano, the man who was to be
Mozart's most successful librettist, was born at Ceneda. By 1776, this
young man had ceased to be a Jew by religion and had been baptized
Lorenzo da Ponte. He became Professor of Rhetoric at Treviso. He caused
great scandal at the Accademia by reciting a poem whose subject was
"Whether man is happier in an organized society or in a simple state of
nature." According to da Ponte, no laws served any useful purpose;
states should have no rights over citizens, or parents over children. He
had made a concerted attack on privilege, and since Treviso was in the
Republic of Venice (such as it could be) and was overflowing with
privilege, da Ponte was dismissed from his post and forbidden to teach
in the Republic. (Though one suspects that da Ponte was really posing
rhetorical questions here in order to stimulate the debate, not stating
his own position. Yet, this is also a method for airing your opinions
and beliefs by using a “cover” to do so. Ed.) Still, he was a priest,
and after a scandalous career as a cleric in Venice, a profession he
seemingly pursued with the minimum of conviction and the maximum of
lechery, he eventually fled north, as did his fellow-rake and
countryman, Casanova.
In the same year as da Ponte scandalized Treviso, Emperor Joseph ll,
by lowering the prices for admission to the theaters and discouraging
private patronage, began a policy of creating a democratic tradition in
opera. Italian opera until then had been an aristocratic luxury but
Joseph, by encouraging a "National" opera in the vernacular, hoped to
create opera for the masses. Mozart in fact composed a "German" opera
(actually a Singspiel) for the National-Opera in Vienna called Die
Entführung aus dem Serail K.384. It was his best-known work throughout
his lifetime.
In 1782 Giovanni Paisiello's Il Barbiere di Siviglia was performed in
St. Petersburg and in the following year in Vienna. In 1784 da Ponte
collaborated with Salieri in Il Ricco d'un Giorno, but it was a flop. Da
Ponte probably met Mozart in 1783, and it was very likely Mozart who had
the idea of writing a sequel to Paisiello's successful opera based on
Beaumarchais. The play itself was banned in Vienna, and Napoleon said of
it "c'etait la Revolution deja en action". In 1780, Mozart heard Le
Barbier de Seville with music by Benda and was very familiar with the
earlier part of the story. The Emperor Joseph II, a man of distinct
liberal inclination, agreed after persuasion by da Ponte (apparently, as
we only have da Ponte’s word on this. Ed.) to have the score handed to
the copyists when Mozart's Figaro was completed. Joseph sent for Mozart,
heard passages from it, and was suitably impressed. Possibly without
Joseph's support, Casti and Rosenberg among others could have wrecked
this opera's chances, and Salieri may have been against it too, for da
Ponte's efforts for him (Il Ricco d'un Giorno) had been disastrous.
It was not until I786, however, in Prague, that Le Nozze di Figaro K.492
had its first really popular success, both with the aristocracy and with
the masses. At a ball in 1787 in Prague, which Mozart attended, Figaro’s
music was arranged for quadrilles and waltzes. Even street musicians (it
was said) had to play "Non piu andrai" if they wanted a tip.
Mozart’s Figaro shows up all the shortcomings of the aristocratic
system, and his lack of awe for kings, princes, and priests. In 1763,
1764, and 1766, the young Mozart was frequently received at the French
Court, probably due to the introduction of Baron Friedrich Melchior
Grimm. Leopold Mozart complained in a letter, however, that arrangements
at Versailles proceeded even slower than at other courts, although they
met the Pompadour whom Leopold described as one of the chief sights of
France. Little Wolfgang, however, compared her audibly and unfavorably
with his own Empress. Dinner on New Year's Day, 1764, found the Mozarts
in the privileged position of being allowed to stand behind the royal
chairs. Queen Marie Leszcynska talked to Wolfgang and fed him scraps
(Which is one view; another might be “samples” or “tidbits.” Ed.). The
Mozarts were very much respecters of self, and the treatment of the boy,
as a kind of pet must have rankled, especially since their concerts were
merely treated as aristocratic diversions, soon to be forgotten. (Maybe,
though Leopold never seemed to have complained, once he got paid. After
all, this was the way of things at the time, and Leopold Mozart was, if
anything, quite able to adapt himself to those ways.) To the proud
Wolfgang, such experiences in courtly circles must have made a deep
impression, for many years later, in a letter of 14th May, 1778, he
turned down a job because he would had to have spent six months per year
at Versailles, demonstrating that the condescension he had received
there before had wounded him deeply. (Perhaps, though the simpler
explanation might be that he didn’t want to get tied down in Paris too
quickly. That would for sure bring his whole family out to stay with
him, thus ruining his illusion of “being on his own.” As well, such a
post would likely keep him away from Aloysia Weber back in Mannheim,
whom he had fallen in love with. Ed.)
While in Paris, Mozart was introduced by the Baron Grimm to the Duc de
Guines who engaged him to teach his daughter composition. He also met a
certain Duchess who (according to a letter by Mozart) kept him waiting
in a cold anteroom before giving a recital. Mozart requested that he
should warm himself first, but was ignored, and when he played, he had
no response. The Duc de Guines, apparently, had too high an opinion of
his daughter's talents, and when the lessons ceased on her betrothal,
Mozart regarded the Ioss of his pupil as no loss to his reputation. The
Duc went off to the country without telling Mozart, and omitted to pay
him, behavior that Mozart described as "noble treatment", demonstrating
that M. le Duc had not "a spark of honor". It is possible that the
deplorable and cavalier behavior of the Duc became a model for some of
the least attractive features of Count Almaviva, by preparing the ground
in the composer’s soul for the image of a nobleman of the ancient
regime. Mozart had no high opinion of clerics either, for he said that
the Archbishop (of Salzburg, Ed.) had no confidence in the experience of
intelligent people, who had seen the world. From Vienna, on I7th March,
1781, we learn that he stayed in a room in "the same house where (the
Archbishop) is staying," and he added sarcastically, "Che distinzione!"
We also find him questioning his earnings. (Well, doesn’t everyone? Ed.)
On 9th May, 1781, he denounced the impertinences with which he had to
contend, and reported a row he had had with the Archbishop, Later, he
described him as "this fine servant of God," and as a "presumptuous
conceited ecclesiastic." Making his own position clear in a letter of
2nd June 1781 he stated, "I treat people as they treat me." On 13th June
he reported being kicked by Count Arco, the Archbishop's aide, and
expressed a desire to kick Count Arco in the street if necessary to
avenge his honor.
On 19 October 1782, he rejoiced over the relief of Gibraltar by (the
English admirals) Howe and Hughes, and stated that he was "an out and
out Englishman." He started to set an ode celebrating, this victory over
the French, but declared it was "too exaggerated and pompous" for his
fastidious ears, On 29th March 1783, Mozart was pleased to write of the
presence of Joseph II at a concert of his in Vienna, and, echoing
Joseph's revolutionary acts against the Orders, stated that "a priest is
capable of anything" referring to the Archbishop. Possibly though he had
already met Lorenzo da Ponte!
About this time (1783), Mozart's interest in Freemasonry became
outwardly active and in December 1784, he joined the Lodge "Zur
Wohltatigkeit." His correspondence with fellow Masons is a distressing
catalogue of begging letters and there is no doubt that after Le Nozze
at Figaro K.492 Mozart's financial position got steadily worse, probably
due as much to his own bohemian habits as to the indifference of his
contemporaries to his material condition. There seems to have been a lot
of ill-will towards him for in a letter from Prague dated October, 1787,
he reported a performance of Figaro which was subjected to attempted
sabotage by a "few of the leading ladies" (of the nobility, Ed.), and
"in particular one very high and mighty one". However, Joseph II stepped
in and reversed the decision to replace Figaro with a less controversial
work and Mozart crowed over the effect his victory had on the "handsome,
magnificent nose" of the lady in question.
Joseph II appointed him to the post of "I & R Chamber Composer" and
not "Kapelmeister in actual service of His I & R Majesty" as he has been
often mistakenly called, at a salary of 800 gulden per annum (say
$40,000 US dollars, Ed.), whereas Gluck, who preceded him, had received
2000 gulden (say $100,000 US dollars) for exactly the same duties
(actually, the post and duties were different, Ed.). Possibly this may
have been due to Gluck's superior self-advertising techniques, for he
always was known as "Chevalier" Gluck, although he shared with Mozart
the same knighthood, that of the Golden Spur. Gluck and Dittersdorf had
received their knighthoods earlier, but Mozart was granted the higher
rank of "Knight of the Golden Order" in a Papal Patent, dated 4th July
1770 signed by Cardinal Negroni. The fact that Mozart did not use the
title in his mature years would seem to be significant. (He had been
made fun of while wearing it in Augsburg in 1777; it does not appear
that he wore it again for “effect”. Ed.)
To return to Le Nozze di Figaro, it was first produced in Vienna on 1
May 1786. As William Mann has pointed out, this was an appropriate date
"for this left-wing opera". Susanna’s sets the mood right away:
“Cosi se il mattino Il caro Contino. ... ...a mia porta il diavol lo
porta.”
and later by Figaro's
“Se vuol ballare, signor Contino, il chitarrino Ie suonero, si,... “
Figaro centers on the witty ways in which Figaro and Susanna (the
servants) outwit the Count over the question of the feudal rights of the
Lord of the Manor. At certain periods it was required by the Church that
newly married couples should not consummate their marriage until a time
had elapsed after the ceremony, so that they were required to abstain
for perhaps several days. Permission to consummate was obtained on
payment of a sum of money to the Church, and it was claimed by the
priest in an ecclesiastical court. This was the jus primae noctis, which
has been confused with the subject of Beaumarchais' plot, namely, the
Maritagium. This originated in the Middle Ages, or perhaps somewhat
earlier. If a daughter of a serf married a serf belonging to another
seigneur she had to pay her own seigneur compensation since he was to
lose her services and those of her children. In many cases this
compensation was paid in kind, and Beaumarchais sought to create in
Almaviva the idea of a "liberally" inclined lord who, while abolishing
his "right", sought, nevertheless, to obtain it by goodwill in the case
of the seductive Susanna.
However, compared with Don Giovanni, Count Almaviva is a philanthropist.
Lorenzo da Ponte was an accomplished blasphemer and seducer. Caught in
the act with a girl in Venice he bluffed his way out asking God to
strike him down with a thunderbolt while celebrating Mass, so obviously
the theme of the dissolute Don appealed to the scandalous priest. (He’s
rough on da Ponte, isn’t he ? Ed.) Goldoni had produced Don Giovanni
Tenorio in Venice in 1736, incorporating the idea of the profligate
nobleman committing murder and blasphemy. Moliere had written on the
subject, and Shadwell's Libertine had been produced in 1676. Purcell,
Gluck, Righini and Gazzaniga had all composed music for the same
subject. The latter had set a libretto by Bertati and da Ponte borrowed
heavily from this work for his own Don Giovanni. It is interesting to
note that Casanova may have added one or two small sections to the
libretto. Drafts remain of some of his work.
However, Don Giovanni K.527 was not a success in Vienna, as the Don Juan
idea had been portrayed as farce in all previous productions, although
Joseph II thought the music divine. It was successful in Prague, however
(where it was commissioned and premiered), and the opera is particularly
interesting for its social commentary. In Masetto there is more than a
touch of the indignation and revolutionary feeling, which permeates
Figaro. Mozart and da Ponte were men of their own time, and Don Giovanni
has no less social significance than Figaro. According to Dent, the sole
purpose of Masetto and Zerlina in the dramatic scheme is to comment on
the social background. Don Giovanni is an opera, which shows
unmistakably the fate of heedless pleasure loving aristocrats "dancing
on the crest of a volcano."
In Act I Leporello expresses his displeasure at having to slave night
and day for one who cannot be pleased. (Notte e giorno faticar. ...) he
continues then to:
“Voglio far il gentiluomo
e non voglio piu servir,”
Commenting on the murder of the Commendatore he says:-
“Due imprese leggiadre
sforzar la figlia, ed ammazzar il padre.”
At the pre-nuptial celebrations of Masetto and Zerlina, Don Giovanni
asks, "Who is the groom?" and Masetto replies: -- "At your service." Don
Giovanni sneers back:--" At my service-spoken like a gentleman!".
Masetto's "Ho capito, Signor si!" is a comment on how a nobleman would
"make a lady" out of Zerlina by seducing her. The arrogance of the Don
and his insults, followed by his attempted seduction of the girl are
commented on by Zerlina’s doubts and her lack of weapons with which to
defend herself. Her hesitation and lack of sureness are called "a
slander of low minds" by the Don who insists, "a nobleman's honor is
written in his face". Later, Leporello mentions the fact that he has
picked up much technique of flattery and deceit while in Don Giovanni's
service. The Don also thinks it would be a splendid idea, in the event
of Leporello being married, to seduce his wife. In the graveyard, Don
Giovanni forces Leporello to invite the Statue to supper saying that it
amuses him to make Leporello tremble. The same apparent cruelty is
demonstrated in the final scene when the Don feasts and enjoys watching
Leporello’s hunger.
Act I, however, has the most immediate social commentary, for during the
dance scene three dances are played simultaneously--a waltz, a
contredanse and a minuet, played by three orchestras and representing
the three social strata of the times. The minuet is, of course, the
aristocratic dance; the contredanse is the bourgeois dance; and the
waltz is the dance of the proletariat When the masked nobles arrive, the
most astonishing outburst of revolutionary fervor is heard on the cue: -
“Venite pur avanti, vezzose mascherette. E aperto a tutti quanti” for
all exclaim, to the accompaniment of unmistakably catchy martial music:
“Viva La liberta!”
Contemporary accounts of the opera tell of the eye "being feasted" and
the "ear enchanted”, but "reason is offended and morality insulted,
while Vice is allowed to trample on virtue and sensibility", for Don
Giovanni goes to Hell unrepentant unlike Tirso's Don Juan who asked for
a priest at the end.
In 1789, Mozart traveled to Berlin and may have been offered a post
by King Frederick William II. This may have been due to his
unwillingness to abandon Joseph II, although the latter certainly was
not recognizing Mozart's abilities in a realistic manner. (That point
can be debated. He did give Mozart a position with pay, one that could
see raises in the future, as Mozart was only 31 at the time. On the
other hand, Joseph and his court never requested symphonies or concerti
or operas or divertimenti or indeed any kind of “official” music for any
occasion. They did require dance music for various events, which Mozart
dutifully supplied. As did Haydn, Beethoven and other composers as well.
So, Mozart was honored by the assignment of this post, but was not
challenged by it. Ed.) The two main reasons for his refusal may have
been due to his devotion to the liberal character of the Emperor, and of
his dislike of militarism. Some of this dislike he may have acquired
from his father who wrote from Ludwigsburg in 1763 of the "laughable"
qualities of the grenadiers there, and Wolfgang seems to echo this in a
letter from Kaisersheim of 18th December, 1778 when he told of the
"formidable military organization" present and he as well questioned the
reasons for its very existence. At night the perpetual shouts of "Who
goes there?" by the troops provoked Mozart’s reply of "Guess!"
In 1790 Mozart collaborated with da Ponte for the last time on the
opera Cosi fan Tutte K.588. As it appeared In January 1790 it must have
appeared to some almost a last jest at the end of an era. Cosi fan Tutte
was viewed as the apotheosis of the Rococo at its most frivolous. This
is not so, on close examination, for the work is full of exquisite
humor, charm, grace and a desperate gaiety. In the opera, it is again
the servant who is the social commentator although this is a role she
(Despina) shares with the cynic Don Alfonso. She complains of her lot as
ladies' maid, yet, with the Don, is the element of penetrating
intelligence among the vapid lovers. Like Leporello, she says (Act I)
that although her tongue is hanging out, she is only allowed to smell
the ladies' chocolate, and like Leporello and the pheasant at the Supper
scene, she takes a surreptitious helping here as well.
“O garbate signore, Che a voi dessi l'essenza e a me l'odore ! “
The two ladies, however, Fiordiligi and Dorabella, are shown as
utterly fickle, melodramatic, idiotic and useless--mere social
parasites. Despina has her head well screwed on, and when the sisters
express fears that their soldier-lovers will be killed, Despina says
that would be all to the good;
“Le povere buffone
Stanno nel giardinetto
A lagnarsi coll'aria e colle mosche
D'aver perso gli amanti.”
A curious feature of Cosi fan Tutte (or La Sculoa degli Amanti) is
the styling of Fiordiligi and Dorabella as "two ladies from Ferrara".
This was a Mozart-da Ponte joke, because Dorabella was sung by Louise
Villeneuve, and Fiordiligi was sung by the celebrated La Ferrarese, who
happened at the time to be da Ponte’s mistress. Both ladies were sisters
in real life.
Mesmer crops up again in connection with Cosi, for Despina revives
the poison-taking gentlemen with a magnet proclaiming: -
“Pietra mesmerica
ch'ebbe l' origine
Nell' Allemagna
Che poi si celebre
La in Francia fu”
This is a reference to Mesmer's having been driven out of Austria to
France because of orthodox opposition to his methods of treating the
ill. Despina also comments in Act II, in the garden scene:
“Rompasi omai quel laccio
Segno di servitu”
It must be remembered that when Cosi was first produced, it was a
modern opera, and therefore very much of the moment in such commentaries
of the world.
The Emperor Joseph II died in February 1790, and was succeeded by
Leopold II who disliked his brother's reform efforts, practically all of
them. Leopold, however, reinstated church orchestras, which Joseph had
abolished, and so the Requiem K.626 was possible. (Except that the
commissioner of the Requiem was going to give private performances of
this work utilizing his own musicians. Therefore the revival of church
orchestras played no part in the background of the Requiem) Ed.) Apart
from La Clemenza di Tito K.621, with a libretto by Mazzola after
Metastasio, which was commissioned as a coronation opera to celebrate
the crowning of Leopold as King of Bohemia, the chamber composer had
been insultingly neglected. Tito was Mozart's last opera, but prior to
the hurried writing of this rather arid work; he had set a libretto for
Schikaneder's theater company. (Actually, he hadn’t finished Die
Zauberflöte before hurrying off for La Clemenza. Ed.) His connections
with them were both family (Josefa Hofer was a singer and Mozart's
sister- in-law) and Masonic oriented, for Freemasonry was strong in
Schikaneder's theatre.
It is curious that Mozart, the I & R chamber composer, should have
written for a suburban theatre, but the work he wrote with Schikaneder
and Giesecke, Die Zauberflote K.620, must: be seen as an opera of
rebellion, of consolation and of hope under the reactionary Leopold II.
Giesecke, who many have credited with the libretto, was really a certain
J. G. Metzler, from Augsburg. He was a Mason, and became a Professor at
Trinity College, Dublin. A Raeburn portrait of him exist and he turns up
in Charles Lever’s Harry work Lorrequer. Schikaneder was responsible for
much of the humor, notably the Papageno scenes, and many claim that
Giesecke and Mozart himself wrote much of the libretto, which borrows
heavily from many sources. (Actually, the claims here go in all
different directions. Schikaneder had a theater poet on staff other than
Giesecke, for one thing, and for another, we do know that Schikaneder
previously wrote many other plays and singspiels. But, he never wrote
anything this good before or after Die Zauberflöte. Finally, he was by
1791 managing a large major theater in Vienna. The odds are that he
delegated others to draft a libretto, which he then reviewed and had
alterations made to. Mozart then most assuredly requested further
changes to it. Whether he himself wrote any sections of it is completely
unverifiable at this point in time. Ed.)
Sarastro and his priests represent hope in the victory of light and
humanity and the brotherhood of man. Mozart made the significance of
this extraordinary work overpowering clear. The opera begins and ends in
E flat major, the Masonic key, and even in the overture the three
chords, symbols of the three knocks on the gates of the temples, occur
throughout. In Act I there are three temples, those of Wisdom, Reason
and Nature, and three doors are knocked. There are three chords before
Sarastro begins his ceremonies, and in the hymn "O Isis und Osiris" the
rhythm is of three beats to the bar. Throughout Die Zauberflote, the
woodwinds, instruments of the Vienna Lodges, play prominent parts. Some
have seen the Queen of the Night as Louis XVI, Pamina as Liberty, and
Tamino as the People, but others suggest, more likely, that the Queen
represents Maria Theresia, or even better, superstition.
Die Zauberflote is undoubtedly Mozart’s most revolutionary work. The
symbolic number three we have already discussed above, but it permeates
the whole work: the Three Ladies, for example, who appear almost at the
beginning. Assuming the Queen to be Maria Theresia, then there is food
for thought in Papageno’s:
“Welcher Sterbliche kana sich rühmen,
Sie je gesehen zu haben?”
a reference to the Empress's inaccessibility. The Three Ladies,
Papageno and Tamino make other significant remarks: -
“Statt Hass, Verleumdung, schwarzer Galle,
Bestünde Lieb' und Bruderbund”
The number three appears in the Three Boys, genii of the Temple and in
the three Temples before whose doors Tamino's anguished: -
“0 ew'ge Nacht ! Wann wirst du schwinden?
Wann wird das Licht mein Auge flnden?”
is answered by the mysterious invisible chorus:-
“Bald, bald, Jüngling, oder nie !”
At the end of Act I, the huge chorus:-
“Wenn Tugend und Gerechtigkeit
Der Grossen Pfad mit Ruhm bestreut,
Dann ist die Erd' ein Himmelreich,
Und Sterbliche den Göttern gleich.”
expresses much of significance and hope, when Arcady would return.
During the wonderful second act of the opera, the mood is set,
dominated, in fact, by Sarastro, who is of course Zoroaster or
Zarathustra. When a priest asks of Tamino-
“Ist wohltatig?”
Sarastro replies:
“Wohltatig! Haltet ihr ihn fur wurdig,
so folgt meinem Beispiel,”
Perhaps this is a reference to Mozart's first Lodge, Sarastro then
refers to the Queen as a woman who tried to destroy "this our temple",
and who was also liable to fool her people by trickery and superstition.
The first priest then says of Tamino: "Consider well. He is a Prince"',
Sarastro's reply is shattering, even now, and must have been more so in
I791:-
“Mehr! Er ist ein Mensch!”
We have noted that the beautiful "0 Isis und Osiris" is set to three
beats to the bar. Throughout the scene, the three chords are repeated
three times, later, the phrase occurs which might have been Mozart's own
epitaph, and which he himself quotes in a letter of 11th June, 1791:-
“Tod und Verzweiflung war sein Lohn.”
The dialogue of warnings which the Three Ladies share with Tamino and
Papageno would indicate that the Ladies are the agents of superstition
which attempt to destroy the initiates' faith in Freemasonry, Tamino
answers:
“Ein Weiser prüft und achtet nicht,
was der gemeine Pöbel spricht,
The Ladies reply:-
“Man sagt, wer ihrem Bund schwürt,
Der fährt zur Höll mit Haut und Haar”
which must have echoed many popular and official sentiments of the
day and is a spiteful outburst when contrasted with Sarastro’s:-
“Dann wandelt er an Freundes Hand Vergnügt und froh ins bess're Land”
The Moon is the symbol of the Queen as the Sun is the symbol of
Sarastro. Yet Sarastro’s realm is a cosmos, for it embraces everything.
That there are powers of darkness in Sarastro’s realm (Monostatos and
the slaves, for example) and good coming out of the Queen of the Night's
Kingdom (the Three Ladies, Pamina herself, and the flute and Papageno’s
bells) is indisputable, and emphasizes that ambivalence was understood
by the creators of this work. The concept of gods and men being reunited
occurs in it, and Goethe understood the inner meanings of Die
Zauberflöte, where the whole spectrum of mood changes from farce to high
moralizing; from Night to Day; from Hate to Love.
But all these must be seen as part of the whole. I do not believe
that the plot was changed half way through. The change of understanding
comes as we move from the Kingdom of the Moon (Act I) to the blinding
revelation through fire and water of the Temple of the Sun. It is
interesting to note that in the scene with the Two Armed Men, Mozart
uses the Protestant chorale: “Ach Gott vom Himmel sieh darein” as the
basis for this most moving of all scenes. Fire and water as elements of
sexual and mental awareness are emphasized by Pamina's sudden stature as
she enters the annealing fire and cooling water with her lover.
Apparently there had been Masonic interpretations of Die Zauberflote as
early as 1794. In a pamphlet produced by M. A. Zille in 1866, Tamino is
said to represent Joseph II; Pamina the People, Sarastro was Ignaz von
Born, Monostatos the Clergy, especially the Orders. Monostatos has also
been seen as a traitor, who denounced Freemasonry in 1792, but his
intentions may not have been known in 1791. "Whether it was true or not
that the Viennese Lodges were organizing a revolution, it is plain that
the writer of this libretto was saturated with the ideals of liberty,
equality and fraternity"
Maria Theresia had ordered a raid in 1743 on a lodge of which her own
husband was a member, and the closing scene where the Queen of the
Night, Monostatos, the Three Ladies and the Slaves attempt to destroy
file Temple may be seen as an allegory. Lord Chesterfield had in fact
initiated Francis I in The Hague, but the Empress suppressed the Order
in 1764. Frederick the Great had been a Freemason, and so were Frederick
William II, Goethe and Joseph Haydn.
The last three symphonies of Mozart may be seen as a whole. I788 was a
bad year for Mozart, and there was no reason for him to write them other
than for deeply personal motives. (However, see my series on the last
three symphonies for an alternate reading on this point. Ed.) Apart from
the symbolic three, there are other reasons for thinking that this cycle
was Masonic in character. The electrifying opening of the first Symphony
(#39), in the Masonic key of E flat major, has a shattering dissonance
just before the faster section, where the basic rhythm is three. Dent
quoted Ellingford as saying that the last movement of #41 in C is
Masonic. I see all three symphonies as a whole, with the Masonic Key
beginning the cycle; dark despair and passions (the Night Kingdom) in #
40 in G minor, and finally the Jupiter with its miraculous last movement
when all those ideas are welded together in the glorious sun-like key of
radiant C Major. Again, the centrepiece of the cycle is the slow
movement of the G minor Symphony, with its dominant, insistent rhythm in
six-eight, which, of course, is significant in relation to the number
Three. (Of course, let’s not forget that each minuet is in 3 beat time,
which is “significant” in relation to the number Three. Of course, every
minuet in every symphony by every Classical composer is, as well. Should
we conclude that all of them are Masons? Or back Masonic beliefs? There
may be Masonic leanings in this last set of symphonies, but I don’t
believe that they are drenched in the symbolism as is Die Zauberflöte.
Ed.)
Beethoven, like Goethe, was influenced by Die Zauberflote, and his
Fidelio, so much admired by left-wing circles of the times, has much in
it reminiscent of Die Zauberflote. In a sense, Mozart's work is the
first Romantic opera, with its dialogues foreshadowing Weber, and its
symbolism heralding Wagner. Die Zauberflote is a working-class opera
deliberately written for the masses, and first performed in a suburban
theater, that of theTheater im Starhembergishen Freihause auf der
Wieden.
There was a judicial enquiry against the Austrian Jacobins leading to
a prohibition of Freemasonry. This began in 1794. On the death of
Leopold II, Francis II introduced stern measures against all secret
societies. Even Casti, who was appointed Caesarian Poet, a post that da
Ponte had wanted, had to leave Vienna in 1796 as he was suspected of
Jacobinism. Certainly da Ponte had left hurriedly, made for London, but
finally settled in America where he died (in New York) in 1838.
(Professor of Italian Studies at Columbia College no less! Ed.)
Giesecke himself went to Copenhagen, then Greenland and finally Dublin,
while da Ponte, Casanova, Casti and others had fled. Schikaneder had
been expelled from his lodge cum infamia, went insane and died in 1812.
Mozart, with his transparent honesty, quick temper and intolerance of
injustice would not have escaped the anti-Jacobin purges, especially
since the Caesarian Poet himself had fallen from favor.
Mozart's death, however, at 12:55 A.M. on 5th December, 1791, and his
burial in a common grave the following day in St. Marx Freidhof which
was never accurately marked, the graves being opened and cleared every
seven years, spare us such interesting speculations. Suffice it to say
that His Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty's Chamber Composer,
Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, Knight of the Golden Order, had been an active
Freemason. Many Masons had been active revolutionists: Washington,
Garibaldi, Bolivar and Jefferson, for example, and Masonic influence had
been active in the French Revolution. Masonry in Protestant countries,
however, tended to support the state, while in Roman Catholic countries,
being proscribed, it always was anti-royal and anti-clerical. In fact,
in Catholic countries Masonry became anti-religious, so that a schism
developed in 1877 between the Masons in R.C. countries and those in
Protestant ones for this very reason. Masons were persecuted as
suspected Jacobins, and no doubt many of them had strong Jacobin
sympathies although not necessarily for the French.
Of such, almost certainly, was W. A. Mozart.
Subject: THE PROVENANCE OF THE REQUIEM.
From: Agnes Selby
To: All
Date Posted: 01:49:47 04/06/04 ()
Email Address:
Message:
The information we have about the Requiem's Commissioner, Count Walsegg
comes from an essay by Anton Herzog, schoolmaster and second violin in
Count Walsegg's orchestra. Count Walsegg died on November 11, 1827.
Anton Herzog submitted his essay about the Requiem for publication but
it was rejected by the Censor in 1839. Herzog, by his own admission
never managed to get the exact information about the Requiem from Count
Walsegg although he attempted to talk to him about it even when the
Count was on his deathbed. Herzog's information about the Requiem was
written about the time when the Imperial Library had purchased the
Requiem, as completed by Sussmayr, from Katharina Adelpoller.
Herzog's was discovered by Dr. Otto Schneider in the Municipal
Archives of Wiener Neustadt and was published by Otto Erich Deutcsh in
the Osterreichische
Musikzeitschrift in February 1964. So sensitive was this essay at the
time Herzog wrote it that it bears the inscription: "Not Authorised for
Publication -
by order of the Inmperial Royal Ministry" dated in Vienna 8th February
1839
Why was Herzog's essay not published? After all, in 1839 the
provenance of the Requiem was a newsworthy story. Most people believed
that Mozart's Requiem, written in his own hand, had finally been found.
Ignaz von Mosel, the Curator of the Court Library, was himself preparing
to write a treatise about the Requiem. By 1839 the Requiem was accepted
as Mozart's ultimate work. It had enjoyed a number of performances, one
in particular had touched the Viennese hearts when the Requiem was
performed at the Memorial Service at the Schottenkirche for Haydn on 15
June, 1809.
Had Herzog's essay been published in 1839, it would have been
damaging to the ruling aristocracy. The Censro could see the potential
ridicule that could be aimed at the aristocracy when news that "one of
their own" had claimed the intellectual ownership of a work composed by
the great Mozart. The Censro could well imagine the sniggering of the
rising bourgeoisie as they sipped their coffe and drank their schnapps
in the many coffee-houses in Vienna. In addition, by 1839 Walsegg's
claim of having composed the Requiem represented an infringement of
Copyright Law.
The story of the provenance of the Requiem is a drama
worthy of Shakespeare's pen. A story without an end for the drama still
continues to plague historians with its mystery. Homeric insults are
directed by musical historians at each other and accusing fingers are
being pointed at both live and dead players in the drama of the Requiem.
The story begins with young Count Franz Walsegg von Stuppach who had
married a beautiful young aristocrat named Anna. An inoccuous eccentric,
Count Walsegg lived with his beloved wife at Stuppach Castle at the foot
Mount Semmering. Like many of the nobility at the time, he maitained a
private orchestra and was himself an accomplished cellist and flautist.
The orchestra gave performances twice a week in which the Count and his
wife often participated.
This was an idyllic existence, enhanced by the Count's great love for
his wife, unusual at a time when most aristocratic marriages were based
on financial arrangements. The Count also took great interest in his
subjects and was patron of a school attended by his servants' children.
As a result, he was much loved by his people. At least once a year the
Emperor would arrive at Stuppach Castle and a hunting expedition would
take place followed by ellegant suppers and a performance by the Count's
orchestra.
Count Walsegg had, however, one great weakness. He believed himself
to be a good composer and yearned to have been a great one. At times he
composed little pieces and gave them to his orchestra to perform. At
other times, he purchased works from poor Viennese composers, copied the
manuscripts and signed them as though these compositions were his very
own. He did not see this as plagiarism but as a good deed performed in
aid of poverty-stricken composers. Copyright laws did not exist at the
time but a man's honour was at stake where the stealing of another
person's intellectual property was concerned. Count Walsegg did all his
purchases on the quiet, sending his emissary in quest of compositions.
Occasionally the purveyor was Franz Anton Hoffmeister who was also
Mozart's principal publisher.
On 14 February, 1791 Walsegg's great love, his twenty year old wife
died. Walsegg, only eight years her senior, remained a widower for the
rest of his life.
He commissioned the renowned Viennese sculptor, Johann Martin Fischer to
create a magnificent tomb in memory of his wife. The Countess Anna's
remains were taken out of the family crypt in interred in her favourite
meadow near a stream at Stuppach. No doubt, this particular spot had a
special meaning for the loving couple. (Sadly, during the Napoleonic
Wars the tomb was ransacked for valuables and the Countess' remains had
to be returned to the family vault at Schottwien). The Count intended to
commemorate his wife's passing with the performance of a Requiem. He
sent his emissary to commission the Mass from Mozart, who accepted and
agreed to obey the Count's conditions for secrecy.
The romantic story of a ghost-like stranger, the messenger of the
mysterious Commissioner of the Requiem, gained credence soon after
Mozart's death as a result of a piece of sensational journalism. On
7 January, 1792 the "Salzburger Intelligenzblatt" described the
commissioning of the Requiem as the delivery of an unsigned letter to
Mozart by a servant who brought with him 30 ducats as a deposit and a
promise of a further payment upon completion of the work. "Now Mozart
had to write, which he did, often with tears in his eyes, always saying
'I am writing a Requiem for myself'." This particular piece of romantic
invention had caught the public's imagination and prevails to this day.
(vide the film Amadeus).
It is hard to believe that Mozart and Constanze did not know the man
who arrived at their home with the commission from Count Walsegg. Franz
Anton Leitgeb was well known to both of them. He was the administrator
of Count Walsegg's estates and in Vienna, he worked from an office
situated on the ground floor of a building owned by the Count. Mozart's
friend and fellow Freemason, Michael Puchberg, lived in an apartment
above Leitgeb's office.
Mozart was extremely busy in 1791. It was during this period that he
first employed Franz Sussmayr to help him with his work. According to
Constanze, Mozart received the commission for the Requiem shortly before
he was asked to compose the opera "La Clemenza di Tito" for the
coronation of Emperor Leopold II in Prague which took place in September
1791. Mozart's busy schedule also included the composing of "The Magic
Flute" commissioned by Schikaneder. He seems to have had little time for
the Requiem which was not needed until February 1792 for the
commemoration of Countess Walsegg's death. The watermarks of the paper
Mozart used suggest that he did not begin composing the Requiem until
after his return from Prague. Even then he gave priority to the glorious
Clarinet concerto K622 for his friend Anton Stadler, as well as the
Small Masonic Cantata K623.
According to Robbins Landon's "Mozart's Last Year",
Mozart began composing the Requiem sometime between 8th October and 20th
November, when he became ill and took to his bed. It is possible that he
contin ued to compose for a while longer, yet the appearance of the
autograph is very tidy, as though written at a desk.
The myth that Mozart worked on the Requiem to the very end of his life
is contradicted by Dr. Peter J. Davies' theory that Mozart died as a
result of renal failure which would have precluded his using his hands
because of the swelling and stiffness of his limbs.
Mozart's terminal illness lasted only 15 days. He died at 12.55 am on
December 5, 1791. Sophie Haibl, Constanze's sister, wrote a description
of Mozart's death and her account of his last days appears in Nissen's
Mozart biography. Subsequently every Mozart biographer has repeated her
story, thus paving Sophie's path to immortality. When Mozart died,
Constanze fell to her knees and begged God to take her too. She was
hysterical with grief. Baron van Swieten arrived in the middle of the
night to mourn with the widow. As the news of Mozart's death spread,
people gathered in front of the house and stood vigil in silence.
Schikaneder, however, moved about in a daze seeing Mozart's ghost
everywhere and cried like a child.
Constanze was taken with her two children to the home of a friend,
Joseph Bauernfeld and later to Joseph Goldham. As was the custom of the
day, the house was sealed and the Requiem remained inside.
Or did it?
A few days after Mozart's death a service was held at St.
Thomas'Church and a Requiem was performed. I wrote to St. thomas' Church
and received a polite reply informing me that the singers were listed in
the church records as well as their payment from Schikaneder who had
organised this Commemorative Service. Although it has often been stated
that parts of Mozart's Requiem were performed, I was told that there is
no record as to the music performed.
Soon after Mozart's death, Franz Leitgeb appeared at Constanze's door
requesting the Requiem. But the Requiem was unfinished and an agreement
was reached that it would be completed in a professional way. Although
we do not possess evidence of a communication
from Leigeb to Count Walsegg, the Count would have been appropriately
informed. Constanze tried to find Sussmayr but without success. She then
turned to Joseph Eibler who undertook to complete the Requiem. However,
he was unable to do so and Constanze finally found Sussmayr who
completed the Requiem which was then delivered to Count Walsegg. There
is no written documentation of an agreement between Walsegg and
Constanze apart from her statement to Breitkopf&Hartel
that she was permitted by the Commissioner to sell the Requiem to
"Princes as long as they did not publish it."
Finally, Count Walsegg had the Requiem in his possession. He then
proceeded forthwith to copy the autograph in his own hand and sign it,
as was his normal practice, in order to give it to his musicians as his
own work. There is no doubt that he knew the Requiem was completed by a
hand other than Mozart's, for he stated to his musicians that he had
completed the Requiem himself. According to Herzog, he claimed to have
been Mozart's pupil and had submitted to Mozart parts of the manuscript
for comment. He continued to say that when Mozart died it was found that
so similar were Mozart's and his own handwritings that people thought
the Requiem was Mozart's work.
With Mozart dead, the Count began to have different plans for the
performance of the Requiem. No longer were the four walls of his castle
enough to satisfy his ego. The Count did not expect Mozart's widow to
claim the Requiem for her husband. In a semi-feudal Austria, such
effrontery would not have been tolerated. There was a vast chasm between
a female citizen without rights and an aristocrat who was Lord of a
domain and a personal friend of the Emperor.
Preparations for the performance of the Requiem now began in earnest.
Count Walsegg planned to commemorate his wife's death with a public
performance of the Requiem. The news that the Count was searching in
Vienna for outstanding singers and musicians to perform the Requiem
reached Constanze who was well placed to hear of this and it would not
be difficult to imagine her consternation when she heard that her
husband's ultimate composition would receive a performance as a work
"composed" by Count Walsegg. It is mind-boggling to imagine that Count
Walsegg though he could get away with such a lie. Was it just his own
personal conceit or was it indeed a sign of the power the aristocracy
exercised over the humble citizens of Austria?
As a result of the intelligence received by Constanze from many
quarters - one must not forget that her own two sisters were opera
singers - she began planning the rescue of the Requiem from the Count's
clutches.
She judged her adversary well. She used Count Walsegg's need for secrecy
as her main weapon. Not to her dying day did she reveal the name of the
Requiem's Commissioner. Count Walsegg could do nothing as long as she
did not reveal his name. Had he himself come forward publicly to deny
Constanze's right to her husband's work, the Count knew he would have
created an unprecedented scandal in Vienna. Equally, Herzog's naivete in
naming Count Walsegg as a man who commissioned the Requiem and then
performed it as his own composition, sealed his essay's fate. It sat for
over one hundred years in a vault, bearing silent witness to one man's
folly.
With the help of Baron van Swieten, Constanze made her own
preparations for the performance of the Requiem. This took place at the
establishment of Ignaz Jahn on 2 January 1793. It was given by Baron van
Swieten in honour of Mozart, his long-time friend and was attended by
many dignitaries including Salieri. The proceeds of the concert was
given to Mozart's impoverished widow and her children. Thus Constanze
quietly reclaimed the Requiem from Walsegg and established it as
Mozart's work.
Many scholars have claimed that Constanze stole Walsegg's property as
though intellectual property could be given away or sold. These
historians claim that there was in existence a contract by which Mozart
signed his Requiem over to the Count. However, no such contract has even
been discovered nor did Walsegg's lawyer ever come forward with a claim
against Constance for breaching a legal contract.
Count Walsegg did not give up his by now total convictions that he
was the composer of the Requiem.
He first performed the Requiem in public as his own composition in
December 1793, almost a year after
Constanze had it performed in Mozart's memory. Walsegg performed the
Requiem again on 14 February 1794 on the anniversary of his wife's
death. Thereafter, with the exception of arranging a part of the Requiem
as a string quintet, the Count made no further use of Mozart's work.
Constanze freely used the Requiem during her promotional tour of
Mozart's music. In 1796 Sussmayr had it performed at Kremsmunster Abbey,
where it was hailed as one of Mozart's greatest works completed by the
Abbey's illustrious student, Franz Sussmayr.
In 1838 the Imperial Library employed a judicial officer by the name
of Nowack to search for six Mozart string quartets which were touted to
have been in the possession of Count Walsegg. Instead, Nowack found the
Requiem - by then owned by Katarina Adelpoller who had inherited it from
her father, Walsegg's court usher. The Imperial Library purchased the
Requiem for 50 gulden believing it to be entirely
in Mozart's hand.
In reply to Ignaz Mosel's inquiry regarding the authenticity of the
Requiem, Constanze replied on 10 February 1839:
"If the score is complete then it is not Mozart's because he did not
finish it. It should be possible to distinguish where Sussmayr continued
the score because I feel that nobody can exactly immitate another
person's handwriting. And I must assure you that no one else but
Sussmayr has completed the Requiem, which was not hard, as the main
themes were already written out."
In 1799 Breitkopf & Hartel announced the publication of the Requiem
without notifying Constanze. The protracted correspondence between the
Publishers and Constanze would take up an equally long article. The
threats against the Publishing House were written by Nicolaus Nissen,
later to become Constanze's second husband. Nissen was also present at a
meeting with Count Walsegg and his lawyer when the problem of the
Requiem was finally resolved. Count Walsegg compared his own copy with
the one about to be published by Breitkopf % Hartel. All he asked for
was the payment of 50 ducats and a number of printed copies of the
Requiem.
No charges were ever laid against either Constanze or Breitkopf &
Hartel and no contract assigning Mozart's intellectual property to Count
Walsegg was ever produced.
Agnes Selby.
Subject: Contemporaries of Mozart: Maria Theresia von Paradis
From: Tel Asiado
To: All
Date Posted: 05:27:05 04/02/04 ()
Email Address: webmaster@inspiredpen.4t.com
Message:
[Note to Steve: This is being submitted by Gary Smith and Tel Asiado.
Thanks!]
CONTEMPORARIES OF MOZART:
Maria Theresia von Paradis (or Paradies): (1759-1824)
This is another posting in an irregular series on the various
contemporary composers/personalities from Mozart's lifetime. The
material is mostly derivative from general sources as noted. These are
the people that Mozart:
Competed for work with.
Considered as friends and colleagues.
Knew from reputation.
Taught/nurtured as pupils and students.
She was the daughter of the Imperial Secretary of Commerce and Court
Councilor (Joseph Anton von Paradis) to the Empress Maria Theresa, for
whom she was named. The Empress, however, was not her godmother, as was
often believed. Between the ages of 2 and 5 she lost her eyesight.
Paradis was treated by the famous Anton Mesmer from late 1776 until the
middle of 1777, who was able to improve her condition temporarily until
she was removed from his care, amid concerns on the one hand of possible
scandal, on the other hand at the potential loss of her disability
pension. In either case, at this departure from Dr. Mesmer the blindness
came back for good.
She received a broad education in the musical arts from:
Karl Friberth (music theory and composition)
Leopold Kozeluch (piano)
Vincenzo Righini (singing)
Antonio Salieri (singing and composition)
Abbe Vogler (music theory and composition)
By the year 1775 she was performing as a singer and pianist in
various Viennese salons and concerts. She commissioned various works for
her use, most notably an organ concerto by Salieri in 1773 (which is
missing its second movement), a piano concerto (probably K.456) by
Mozart in 1784, and another by Haydn (HXVIII: 4), which was possibly
premiered in Paris in 1784, but appears to have been composed in the
1770’s, the original manuscript now lost. On K.456, it should be noted
that while this concerto is believed to be the one intended for Paradis,
there are continuing questions concerning this. From Ruth Halliwell’s
The Mozart Family: Four Lives in a Social Context, we read:
“It is not certain which concerto this was. Leopold [in a letter from
Vienna] simply described it to Nannerl as a ‘glorious concerto’ and said
it had been written for Maria Theresia von Paradis ‘for Paris.’ His
description suggests that neither he nor Nannerl knew it already; if
this is so, it must have been a later one than K.456, which seems to
have been the newest they had in Salzburg at this date.”
In any event, Paradis had an excellent memory and exceptionally
accurate hearing, as she was widely reported to have learned over 60
concertos by heart, as well as a large repertoire of solo and religious
works.
She did not stay confined to Vienna, though. In 1783, she set out on
an extended tour towards Paris and London, accompanied by her mother and
librettist Johann Riedinger who invented a composition board for her. In
August they visited the Mozarts in Salzburg of that year (perhaps
getting advise and tips on Paris from father and son?), though Nannerl’s
diary seems to place this meeting in September. She played in Frankfurt
and other German cities, then Switzerland. Paradis finally reached Paris
in March of 1784. Her first concert there was given in April at the
Concert Spirituel (again one suspects that Wolfgang may have written
ahead to help her here), the review in the Journal de Paris for it
remarked: “…one must have heard her to form an idea of the touch, the
precision, the fluency and vividness of her playing.” In all she made a
total of 14 appearances in Paris, to excellent reviews and acclaim. She
also assisted in helping Valentin Hauy ("the father and apostle of the
blind”) establish the first school for the blind, which opened in 1785.
She traveled to London in late 1784, and performed over the next few
months at court, Carlton Hall (the home of the Prince of Wales), and in
the Professional Concerts at Hanover Square, among other places. She
played Handel fugues to George III and later accompanied the Prince of
Wales, a cellist. However, her concerts lost ground, being less well
received and attended here than in Paris. She continued to tour in
Western Europe, (including Hamburg where she met C.P.E. Bach), and after
passing through Berlin and Prague, ended up back in Vienna in 1786.
Further plans were made to give concerts in the Italian states and
Russia, but nothing came of these. She returned to Prague in 1797 for
the production of her opera "Rinaldo und Alcina."
During her tour, Paradis began composing solo music for piano as well
as pieces for voice and keyboard. The earliest music attributed to her
is often cited as a set of four piano sonatas from circa 1777, but these
are really by Pietro Domenico Paradies, for whom much of her music is
often misattributed. Her earliest major work in existence is the
collection Zwolf Lieder auf ihrer Reise in Musik gesetzt, composed
between 1784-86. Her most famous work, the Sicilienne in E flat major
for piano quartet, is unfortunately spurious, as it is derived from a
Weber violin sonata (Op. 10 No. 1) and is believed to have been
concocted by its purported discoverer, Samuel Dushkin.
By the year 1789, Paradis was spending more time with composition
than performance, as shown by the fact that from 1789 to 1797 she
composed five operas and three cantatas. After the failure of the opera
Rinaldo und Aleina from 1797, she shifted her energy over more and more
to teaching. In 1808, she founded her own music school in Vienna where
she taught singing, piano and theory to young girls. A Sunday concert
series at this school featured the work of her outstanding pupils. She
continued to teach up until her death in 1824.
When composing, she used a composition board invented by Riedinger,
her librettist, and for correspondence a hand-printing machine invented
by Wolfgang von Kempelen. Her songs are mostly representative of the
operatic style, which displays coloratura and trills. Salieri’s
influence may be seen in the dramatically composed scenes. Much of the
stage work is modeled on the Viennese singspiel style, while her piano
works show a great influence by her teacher Kozeluch.
Works by Maria Theresia Paradis:
Stage Works:
Ariadne und Bacchus, melodrama, 20 June 1791, lost
Der Schulkandidat, landliches, 5 Dec. 1792, pt of Act 2 and all of Act
3, lost
Rinaldo und Alcina, zauberoper, 30 June, 1797, lost
Grosse militarische oper 1805, lost
Zwer landliche Opern oper, lost
Cantatas:
Trauerkantata auf den Tod Leopold II 1792, lost
Deutsches Monument Ludwigs des Unglucklichen 1793
Kantata auf Wiedergenesung meines Vaters lost
Instrumental Works:
Pianoforte Concerto in g lost
Pianoforte Concerto in C lost
12 Piano Sonatas 1792, lost
Pianoforte Trio 1800, lost
Fantasie in G, pf 1807
Fantasie in C, pf 1811
Kbd Variations lost
An meine entfernten Lieben, pf lost
Various songs and lieder totaling at least 18 works, of which two are
lost.
Sources:
Sadie, J.A and Rhian Samuel (Editors) The Norton/Grove Dicitonary of
Women Composers The Macmillan Press Ltd, London, 1995
Sadie, Stanley (Ed.) The New Groves Dictionary of Music and Musicians
2nd Edition Groves Dictionaries, New York, 2000
Clive, Peter Mozart and His Circle Yale University Press, 1993
Halliwell, Ruth The Mozart Family: Four Lives in a Social Context
Claredon Press, Oxford, 1998
O'Doherty, B